KANGE NGA KONA

Young Highlands rice farmer urge youth to cultivate rice

2012-01-12T20:54:00.000-08:00

By Anna Omba *

National Agriculture Research Institute (NARI) has assisted many grassroots farmers in the country by providing farmer training. NARI has also provided potato, rice and other subsistence and cash crop seedlings to improve their yields and increase their earnings to improve their standard of living.

A young Mount Hagen rice farmer who has benefited from NARI by becoming a successful village rice farmer has challenged youths to make use of opportunities like this to work on their land and make an honest living. “Money can be earned in many different ways through agriculture or business but as a young farmer, I have taken the opportunity to plant rice to earn my living,” Benny Wandaki, a rice farmer from Kumnga village outside Mt Hagen told the Post-Courier.

Wandaki with his harvest ready to be sold to customers in the village

He said he was supported and encouraged by NARI officers in Lae to go into rice farming using his land to earn money. “Governor Tom Olga assisted me financially by giving me a cheque of K4000, as well as other farmers throughout the province, to go into rice farming,” he said. Mr Wandaki said he used the money to buy tools and rice seedlings and he is confident in expanding his rice production.

“I wish to thank NARI for their support and encouragement and Governor Olga for his help. Rice can be grown successfully in Western Highlands for domestic consumption and for sale as well,” he said. “I made about K20,000 from selling 10 bags of grain rice last year (2011) at K200 per bag and hope to gradually increase production because there is high demand for rice,” he said.

Mr Wandaki challenged youths to make use of their land and make an honest living instead of depending on others or turning to crime. “I encourage youths to make use of whatever opportunities they have and one of them is working on their land to make an honest living. We cannot continue to rely on government handouts or our parents and relatives,” he said.

“We have our resources, especially our land, and we must work our land by making our hands dirty. It is very difficult to get a job these days but you can always earn money by working on your land,” Mr Wandaki said. He said he is encouraging young people in his village to go into rice farming by training them how to plant and harvest rice.

“I introduced a new rice seedling called China 2 to Western Highlands and I will make sure it is spread throughout the province. I have already started by distributing the seedlings to people in Mount Hagen electorate,” Mr Wandaki said.

* Omba is a Divine Word University journalism student

A final good bye to a beautiful wife

2012-01-12T14:57:00.000-08:00

By Reginald Renagi *

We were young and full of life when we met in the seventies. We also became good friends since high school for 41 years when it all suddenly ended for me and my beautiful wife from Yule Island.

My marriage came to a terrible end too when my wife and 27 other passengers perished in an air crash in Madang province last October, 2011.
We have been together for 39 years, 3 months and 13 days until that fateful day.

On Saturday 7 January 2012, I said my final goodbye to a beautiful wife and friend in an emotional Memorial Service as a tribute to her. After the funeral service I took her remains in a small casket (that was all that remained of her) to the Funeral Home to be cremated.

Renagi (right with hat) posing for a family picture during their happier times

Once there, a brief prayer was said over her casket and I hugged and kissed her casket before leaving it along with the funeral attendants. I did not immediately leave as I hesitated a while longer with tears running down my cheeks.

I felt so sad and did not want to leave her alone there with strange people who do not know her. I hated the thought that in a matter of a few hours will reduce her to ashes for me to collect the next day. I cried the whole weekend and brought her ashes back to the family home on Monday this week.

Yes, she was my best friend for 41 years and God took what was all alone his until the day I am called by him to join my loved ones in heaven. Goodbye my darling, Louise Toto Miria; and I will forever be grateful to you for making me very happy during your short time on earth. May your beautiful soul rest in eternal peace.

* Renagi lost his wife in a fatal APNG crash near Madang which claimed more than twenty lives.

A glimpse of the 'Highlands' of Papua New Guinea

2012-01-08T20:51:00.000-08:00

Rural advisory services vital

2012-01-08T20:24:00.000-08:00

By James Laraki

Smallholder agriculture and family farming is the core contributor to agricultural production in most developing countries, including Papua New Guinea, contributing to achieving food and nutritional security.

To help these smallholders improve their farming practices, a coalition of public, private and civil society actors at the national, regional and international level is needed to revitalize and strengthen agricultural extension and advisory systems. This was the challenge put forward by more than 400 participants who attended the international extension conference on “innovations in extension and advisory services: Linking knowledge to policy and action for food and livelihoods”.The conference, held in Nairobi, Kenya, from Nov 15-18, was aimed at taking stock of current policies, thinking and practice, successes and failures of ongoing and past reforms in extension and advisory services and develop a coalition to address the needs of smallholder farmers, in particular women and youth, in a sustainable and cost effective manner. The conference covered four cross-cutting themes of policy, capacity development, tools and approaches and learning networks.

Farmers, extension professionals, policy-makers, researchers, academics, representatives of the private sector and the media from more than 70 countries participated at this event. The Pacific region was well represented with representatives from a number of key organizations.

Rural advisory services are increasingly recognized by many rural development actors as an essential vehicle to ensure that research, development of farmer organizations, improved inputs, and other elements of rural development support actually meet farmers’ and other rural actors’ needs and demands.

Despite past advances in agricultural innovations through improved crops and farming systems, much of the developing world still faces challenges in food and nutrition security, non-sustainable agricultural practices, poor access to markets, and a falling contribution of agriculture to national GDP. Rural farming communities have not really benefited from advances in agricultural technology.

The diminishing national extension and advisory services reflect reduced government investment in agriculture. Now, the global community, responding to this situation, is revisiting extension and advisory services as the critical link in the agriculture value chain, where smallholder farmers are key actors of agriculture.

Director of CTA Michael Hailu, in his opening remarks, said the conference theme, “linking knowledge to policy and action for food and livelihoods”, is relevant and provides a new perspective to extension and advisory services. He said 75% of the poor in developing countries live in rural areas and the majority of them depend on agriculture for their livelihoods.

He pointed to smallholder farmers as the primary group producing food, yet over 30 million people in sub-Saharan Africa face food security issues. Any effort to fight poverty must start with agriculture. Hailu pointed out that the event was no ordinary conference, where experts came to talk to each other and everyone else politely listening. He challenged participants to take the opportunity provided to create a coalition of different interest committed to improving the welfare and productivity of the world’s smallholder farmers.Extension and advisory services, he explained, have a key role to play in confronting the many challenges farmers face, from climate change to low productivity and rising food prices. He expressed the hope that the conference would identify practices and policies to improve the delivery and effectiveness of extension and advisory services.

Hailu advocated increasing government funding to agriculture, his call supported by many other speakers. We have and will continue to make this call in PNG. We believe the state has a duty to its smallholder farmers and should invest in agriculture, which supports the livelihood of over 80% of our population.

Ensuring food and nutritional security for a growing population is a challenge. The world population estimated to reach nine billion by 2050 and with additional challenges posed by climate change and scare resources such as land, water and energy will require not only technical innovations but policy action and investment.

The diminished role of extension and advisory services is a hindrance to future agricultural and rural development and hence there is an urgent need for redesigning and revitalizing their role in reshaping the global food system. There is also need for coordination of development actors to articulate and advocate for investments in agricultural extension and advisory services and to ensure that they remain priorities on the national, regional and global development agenda.

In PNG, responsible agencies should act on Ted Sitapai’s recommendation to formulate a new agriculture extension policy, which promotes pluralism, market-oriented, and participatory and methods that are appropriate for empowering farmers and increasing their social capital, particularly among women farmers in PNG. Currently our extension system is fragmented, making it difficult for managing and resourcing the extension services.

The meeting noted the need to enhance the use of information and communication technologies, both old and new, and engage the media in expanding the reach and impact of extension and advisory services. Strengthening extension advisory services will directly boost value-chain pathways.

The international conference provided a unique forum for world experts to share experiences, success stories and challenges and recommend future measures and policy reforms that will make extension and advisory services more relevant and responsive to the needs of millions of smallholder farmers so that they are better equipped to feed a growing world population. We hope some of these recommendations will be acted upon in PNG for the benefit of our smallholder farmers.

Papua New Guinea: Land Poaching

2012-01-07T19:20:00.000-08:00

By Joelson Anere*

SABLs, Land Grab and New Private Companies in Papua New Guinea

1. Usually, my commentaries focus on Political affairs in this country but let’s make exceptions, perhaps, for a few minutes.

2. On the fourth of March 2011, the Post Courier newspaper reported that the whole island of New Hanover (or Lavongai) in New Ireland Province, Papua New Guinea (PNG), was sold by a company called Tutuman Development Ltd (TDL) to a Singaporean company called Palma Hacienda Ltd in June of 2009 for the princely sum of USD1.6 million.

3. The source of this information was apparently a man called Ishmael Passingan, who was described in the report as the secretary of a landowner company called Central New Hanover Ltd. Then, on the tenth of March, the Post Courier carried another story, reporting that Central New Hanover Ltd was one of three landowner companies that had acquired Special Agricultural Business Leases (SABLs) over different parts of the island in October 2007.

4. The article said that these companies had subsequently issued sub-leases to TDL, and these were commodities that had since been sold to Palma Hacienda Ltd. According to this story, the Secretary for Provincial and Local Level Government Affairs, Manasupe Zurenuoc, had asked his lawyers to investigate the sale. What is the outcome of that investigation?

5. On the eleventh of March, the Post Courier carried two more stories about this case. One of them (which does not appear in the online version of the newspaper) reported the content of a media release sent to the newspaper by Young and William Lawyers on behalf of the directors of TDL, including its chairman, Pedi Anis, who was the Premier of New Ireland Province from 1987 to 1990. In his statement, Anis claimed that the allegation made against his company had come from “a minority group of Central New Hanover landowners” acting in concert with a foreign logging company called Growmax Ltd. By this account, Growmax Ltd had previously been operating under a contract with TDL, but this was terminated when it was found to have engaged in illegal logging activities on the island.

6. In the second newspaper story published on the same day, Anis claimed that criticism of his plans to bring foreign investment to “the forgotten island of New Ireland Province” was motivated by the knowledge that he would be standing as a candidate in the 2012 national elections, and as such uninformed criticism had already caused “bloodshed” in some villages.

7. I refer to this episode by reference to what I call “land poaching” in Papua New Guinea (PNG). This account and many others indicate of the way customary land has recently been grabbed in New Ireland Province and is a very serious matter for the Government of Papua New Guinea to investigate and put an end to this sort of cases.

The New Land Grab

8. The new land grab in PNG involves the use of legal mechanism generally known as the “lease-leaseback scheme” to convert customary land rights into formal entities which are then allocated to private companies. Section 11 of the Land Act of 1996 says that the Minister “may lease customary land for the purpose of granting a special agricultural and business lease of the land”, while section 102 states: ‘…a special agricultural and business lease shall be granted: (a) to a person or persons; or (b) to a land group, business group, or other incorporated body, to whom the customary landowners have agreed that such a lease should be granted.’

9. Section 11 also states: ‘…an instrument of lease in the approved form, executed by or on behalf of the customary landowners, is conclusive evidence that the State has a good title to the lease and that all customary rights in the land, except those which are specifically reserved in the lease, are suspended for the period of the lease to the State.’

10. The lease-leaseback scheme has been used and abused in a variety of ways since it was first devised in 1979, but the recent surge in grant of SABLs to private companies began in the period between the national elections of 2002 and 2007, and has accelerated over the past four years. In the eight years from 2003 to 2010, the total amount of customary land alienated to private companies through this scheme was just over 4.2 million hectares, but four new leases already gazetted in 2011 have brought the total to more than 5 million hectares, which is more than 10 per cent of PNG’s total land area (about 46 million hectares).

*Year*	No	*Total area (ha)*
2003	1	11,800
2004	2	365
2005	3	44,094
2006	6	125,901
2007	16	475,618
2008	15	444,140
2009	10	1,154,842
2010	16	1,959,307
*Total*	69	*4,215,848*

Table 1: Leasebacks to private companies 2003-2010 Source: PNG National Gazette

11. Table 1 show that the land grab has gone much further than in some provinces. The National Government needs to seriously look into this matter and come up with remedial strategies to tackle this problem head-on and in a manner that takes into considerations the sensitivities surrounding this land grab in such provinces as New Ireland, Central, West Sepik, Western, East Sepik, Gulf, Morobe, Southern Highlands, Western Highlands, and so on.

12. A full inquiry into the leases need to be issued by the National Government, how they were issued and why there has not been consultation with the provinces and landowners….so that those in the Lands Department are held responsible for these irresponsible and probably illegal activities must answer for their actions and be brought to justice.

* Anere, is the Senior Aid Coordinator, Transport and Law & Justice Sectors AusAid Branch - Foreign Aid Division Department of National Planning and Monitoring

A Year in Review (pictures 2011)

2012-01-07T18:52:00.000-08:00

Now, enforcing the laws is as good as just banning alcohol

2012-01-07T18:27:00.000-08:00

The decisions by some provinces to ban alcohol during the festive season are commendable. Now the fever is catching on and others want to impose the ban in their communities, districts and provinces, after its relative success in the highlands during the past fortnight.

Southern Highlands Governor Anderson Agiru and Western Highlands’ Tom Olga have taken the lead to ban the sale and consumption of alcohol through the festive season and leading up to the 2012 general election campaigning and, hopefully, beyond.

Even the Baimanekane clan, in the Kunabau area of Chimbu’s Kerowagi district, has passed a New Year’s resolution to ban the production and drinking of home-brew in the area. Home-brew is equally as bad as other forms of alcohol.

While it will take some time to properly gauge the effect of the ban on the maintenance of law and order in the various provinces during the past two weeks, the feedback so far is positive. The initiative taken by the leaders to confront head-on the issue of alcohol abuse is working. What they need now is support in terms of manpower and funding from the national and provincial governments so that they can effectively enforce the ban by increasing police visibility in the communities.

Of course the problem cannot be totally eradicated overnight. There will be those who will find a way to beat the system and smuggle in alcohol into the communities where it is banned. But at least something is being done about the problem. That’s a start. And the police cannot be monitoring all exit and entry points in the various remote areas.

But the people, who are getting fed up with criminal activities created by the consumption of alcohol, are aware of what the police and authorities are trying to do, and are prepared to help. Their assistance is vital for the operation to work. There is no doubt that alcohol is the root cause of many social problems in the communities and has a significant impact on the maintenance of law and order.

Not only in Papua New Guinea but also in neighboring Pacific island nations has alcohol abuse become a big drain on government coffers, causing loss of lives through road accidents and fights and damage to property. The news at the start of 2012 makes depressing reading with the unnecessary loss of lives and damage to property caused by rows fueled by alcohol.
For example, the case in the highlands where three women were hacked to death by a man allegedly under the influence of alcohol is sad. A young girl was also reportedly raped in another community. Then there is the case of the burning of a hotel in East Sepik when a group of youths mistakenly thought the owners had been involved in a hit and run accident.

Other similar cases will probably surface later in the week when police collate all the reports from the various stations in the remote districts. The criminal activities have to be stopped. But it is important – indeed a wise move – that the concept is being tried out during the busy festive season to see how best it could be managed in future, especially towards the election.

Assistant Police Commissioner (Highlands) Teddy Tei says it will be difficult to make it work without the proper resources and more importantly an increase in police visibility. It will require the cooperation of all state agencies. Tei, while commending the governors for imposing the alcohol ban, rightly says it has to be supported by effective enforcement and monitoring. He attributes the general peaceful celebration in the highlands region to the indefinite alcohol ban and active police operations.

He admits that the alcohol ban has had some impact. That’s good news. The next step is to see how further it can be enforced not only in the highlands but in all the provinces. Alcohol abuse is rampant and has to be curtailed. It is causing so much problems for a young vibrant nation sitting on a wealth of resources. Then there is the general election a few months down the road which will again require the concerted effort of the police and law enforcement agencies to maintain law and order.

What is needed now is to evaluate how the ban can be enforced better to ensure a smooth and peaceful conduct of the general election.
The people of PNG deserve that much.

Source: The National News

Papua New Guinea Politics in Perspective

2012-01-04T19:26:00.000-08:00

By Joelson Anere *

In Politics, one hopes that Politicians, legal practitioners and political commentators don’t have a forgetful memory. For if they do, we would all be in very serious trouble.

In Papua New Guinea, there has been many letters to the Editors of the country’s two daily newspapers – The National and The Post Courier – commenting the on-going tussle between the O’Neil-Namah Government and the Somare-Agiru Regime. But let us recount the events of last year and expound a little on why I think Parliament reigns supreme in this ongoing political war of letters.

In 1992 when the Supreme Court ruled that then Prime Minister Paias Wingti had acted unconstitutionally when he resigned and got himself re-elected, the matter came before the Parliament and the Parliament correct its mistake or error by electing Sir Julius Chan as Prime Minister.

In 1999 when then the Supreme Court held that the then Governor of NCD Mr. Philip Taku was unlawfully removed by the then Government led by then Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta, Mr. Taku was not allowed to resume office because the Parliament had by then amended the NCDC Act removing the Office of the Governor of NCD.

Section 19 of the Constitutions is provided only for the Supreme Court to give AN OPINION on a question of whether a constitutional law has been breached or error in its application. It is not the same as those proceedings commenced by way of Appeal, Summons or by Application for breaches of Constitutional Rights and Freedom under s.57 of the Constitution.

In the Privy Council, the Highest Court of England, the Privy Council upon completion of its inquiry refers its opinion to the Parliament through the Head of State. No orders for execution of its findings are made because the Courts asked only to give an opinion. This is a similar practice in India which is of same legal tradition as ours which are all based on English practices.

There is no provision in the Constitution for the Court to give an order to the Governor General to act in any particular manner. The Governor General only acts on the advice of the National Executive Council and the Parliament through the Speaker of Parliament. For the Somare Camp to have brought the Supreme Court Orders directly to the Governor General is completely an illegal act as it is outside of the Constitution.

The O’Neill-Namah Government has similarly followed the same spirit and precedent set by the above examples following the Supreme Court decision. Our decision and actions are therefore within the confines of the Constitutions and laws of Papua New Guinea. The relevant facts are as follow:

1. On the 2^nd of August 2011, we moved a motion to declare a vacancy in the Office of the Prime Minister using our inherent powers under schedule 2.1 of the Constitution and s.142 of the Constitution.

2. Subsequently Parliament voted Hon. Peter O’Neill as Prime Minister of the Country by a vote of 72-24. The Opposition participated in that vote as well.

3. East Sepik Provincial Government using its standing under s.19 of the Constitution referred the matter to the Supreme Court to question the legality and constitutionality of the Parliaments decision.

4. On the 9^th of December 2011, the Parliament passed amendment to the Prime Minister and NEC Act which provided for the following:

(a) A Prime Minister who is absent for more than 3 months from office shall be deemed to have vacated Office,

(b) That the effected of the amendment be made retrospective or effective to the 1^st of January 2011,

(d) That the election of Prime Minister O’Neill on the 2^nd of August 2011 be validated.

5. The effect of these amendments is that it renders the decision of the Supreme Court useless as against the election of Prime Minister O’Neill. This was conceded to by Sir Arnold Amet and report in the National Newspaper on the 12^th of December 2011. (see front page of the National Newspaper of the 12^th of December 2012). How could he say otherwise now!

6. The Amendment to the Prime Minister and NEC Act was immediately certified by the Speaker of National Parliament as required under the Constitution on the 9^th of December 2011. It therefore came into immediate effect.

7. On the 12^th of December 2011, when the Supreme Court decision was handed down, Parliament was still in session. When Parliament was advised of the decision of the Supreme Court, we moved quickly to correct our error by invoking the provision of the Amendment to the Prime Minister and NEC Act, 2011 and re-elected Hon Peter O’Neill as Prime Minister.

8. As far as the Parliament is concerned therefore we had noted the decision of the Supreme Court. We acknowledged that we made a mistake on the 2^nd of August 2011 and we have corrected our mistake by invoking the provisions of the Amendment to the Prime Minister and NEC Act 2011. We have therefore complied with the Supreme Court decision by correcting our errors. That is the procedures that was followed in 1992 when Parliament corrected itself when it made a mistake in re-electing the then Prime Minister Paias Wingti who had resigned and immediately got himself re-elected as a means of defeating the vote of no confidence provisions of the Constitution.

AS FAR AS PARLIAMENT IS CONCERNED, THERE IS AND WAS NO CRISIS OR IMPASS AND THAT THERE IS ONLY ONE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT. IF THERE IS CONFUSION THIS IS ALSO THE FAULT OF THE SUPREME COURT. THEY CONTRIBUTED TO THE CONFUSION IN THESE WAYS:

1. Just as much as the National Parliament cannot direct the Court as to what is should do and how its should reach its decision, the Court likewise cannot order the Parliament as to what it should do, how it reaches its decision and what sort of decision we reach. This is the principle of separation of powers. Some Lawyers out there confuse these two constitutional powers because they are taught to appreciate only the doctrine of Independence of the Judiciary which they jealously guard but they don’t appreciate that just as much as the Judiciary must be independent, the Legislature must also be independent. It was therefore mischievous for the Supreme Court to have ordered the reinstated of former Prime Minister Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare especially when he does not have the confidence of the Parliament.

2. In their haste to pass judgement the Supreme Court did made some very serious error of law and facts in its finding. For example by finding that only the National Court has “EXCLUSIVE POWERS TO DISMISS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT FROM OFFICE”, the Supreme Court has rendered the Leadership Tribunal almost ineffective and useless. Unless that decision it corrected or overturned, Members of Parliament can never be dismissed from office even if they are guilty of breach of leadership code because the National Court has no powers to hear breach of leadership code by Members of Parliament.

3. The Court made that finding when it ruled that the Speaker of Parliament had no powers to dismiss Members of Parliament during their term. This is finding is also an error as by operation of s.104 of the Constitution a Member of Parliament can lose his seat without the National Courts intervention. This mistake by the Supreme Court was not just a minor mistake but a major mistake that affected the judgment of the majority of the Bench.

4. In its haste too the Supreme Court made a finding that the leave granted to Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare in May was for three sessions and not just one session. This finding was clear a mistake as the record of the Parliament was before the Court in the form of the certified copy of Hansard records which confirms that leave was for only one session. The Court should have just taken judicial notice of the fact. Instead, it went on to make its own conclusion. Again this was not a minor mistake. It was a major mistake that effected the decision of the majority of the bench on the Supreme Court.

5. At the end of the day the Supreme Court caused the confusion before the nation by exceeding its powers into making an order to restore Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare as Prime Minister. Had it limited itself to just giving its opinion on the issues before the Court, there would not be any confusion as we have witnessed.

6. The Members of Parliament supporting Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare also contributed to the confusion by getting the Governor General to act on a Order of the Court instead of waiting for the proper instrumentalities of the State to advice the Governor General as to what he should do. They knew that there is no provision under the Constitution for any Court of the Land to order the Governor General to perform a certain function yet they went ahead and misled the Governor General after subjecting the Government House to siege by rogue elements of the Police Force.

7. The dismissal of Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare as a Memebr of Parliament by virtue of the Amendment to the Prime Minister and NEC Act has also been gazetted in the National Gazette on the 12^th of December 2011. He is therefore no longer a Member of Parliament and therefore cannot be the Prime Minister of the country as that is a post only open to Members of Parliament.

8. All those Ministers that were sworn in by Governor General have since been voted out of Office by Vote of No Confidence by Parliament on the 12^th of December 2011 under s. 145 of the Constitution. They have since been de-commissioned by notice published in the National Gazette on the 14^th of December 2011.

9. The election of Prime Minister O’Neill and Deputy Prime Minister Namah and all the Ministers appointed by Prime Minister O’Neill have been gazetted and the instruments to these effects remains to this day.

Parliament Reigns Supreme

In lieu of the all the above, I would say that Parliament has operated within the ambit of the constitution. Parliament has sort to amend the Prime Minister and NEC Act, which paves the way for the re-election of Hon. Peter O’Neil as Prime Minister on the floor of Parliament.

Parliament by virtue of its powers under the Constitution of Papua New Guinea is the only political meeting place by which political principles can be tossed around, political views built upon, and legislative decisions made. Parliament is the only place in which a Prime Minister can be elected to office with an absolute two-thirds majority vote carried forward.

In this respect, no other arm of government can exceed its jurisdiction or letter or spirit of that jurisdiction by giving “orders” to another arm of government to re-instate a Prime Minister who is not a Member of Parliament. However, much there is an elastic pull and inelastic pull on the terminology of such legal terms as “Opinion” by the Courts and continuously stretched to the limit in the legal context.

The same spirit could not be carried forward into the political pitch at Parliament. Why, because Parliament carries a more overtly political fibre to that of the Courts. How would an “Opinion” in the legal ambit be translated in the political context? Of course it will be interpreted for what it is – a legal opinion - but then, what are the political effects, impact, repercussions, consequences and butter-fly effects such a legal “Opinion” will have on the floor of Parliament? Well, the events of December 9^th 2011 clearly mean that political considerations will take precedents over all other considerations.

Parliament as the only legislative body in the land and the only one I know where a Prime Minister is elected to Office. The O’Neil-Namah government isn’t popular because of its “Free Education” policy, although, many will attest to that but rather that the O’Neil-Namah government is popular because they acknowledge that it is men’s interpretation of politics and or religion that restricted women’s opportunities in this country and not politics or religion itself.

The O’Neil-Namah government is popular with the electorate base voter because for a long time now, past governments have failed miserably to address corruption in government, in the community, in the private sector and at all levels of society.

As far as the electorate base voter is concerned, what is wrong with a government saying what it has promised to the people of Papua New Guinea and actually implementing it while in Power. What’s wrong with that? The O’Neil-Namah government is performing to expectations and is answerable to the people of Papua New Guinea.

Having said that, let there be no doubt in the minds of everyone that there is only one government and that is O’Neil-Namah government in one country and that is Papua New Guinea.

* Anere, is the Senior Aid Coordinator, Transport and Law & Justice Sectors
AusAid Branch - Foreign Aid Division Department of National Planning and Monitoring

A constitution too detailed

2012-01-01T17:40:00.000-08:00

By David Flint *

A key principle of the Westminster system may be found in the saying sometimes attributed to former British prime minister Winston Churchill: “The Crown is important not so much for the power it wields, but for the power it denies others.”

In his rush to force Papua New Guinea (PNG) into premature independence, then Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam allowed the new country to be burdened by an inadequate constitutional system. This nominally keeps the Crown, but removes all of the reserve powers. So PNG was to remain a constitutional monarchy, but one without any of the safeguards the system normally provides. Worse, there is an attempt in the document to codify the various conventions.

Even if accurate, this stops their development to cater for new situations. It can also make them justiciable, that is potentially subject to legal action. This slows down the process, and makes it legalistic. As we shall see, there is also an attempt to answer some of those many problems of government which are best solved informally and pragmatically. At least part of the reason for his haste was that Whitlam seems to have been far too eager to comply with the demands of the Russian communists, and not only against so-called Australian colonialism.

Under his government, Australia – alone among the Western powers – even recognized the brutal incorporation of the Baltic States into the now defunct USSR. Whitlam’s error is the key to understanding the current crisis in PNG. It all began when Sir Michael Somare, then the prime minister, went to Singapore in late March for heart surgery.

Because of complications, he was unable to return until September. The outlook was so gloomy that his son announced that he had retired only for Sir Michael to later claim that he had not been consulted about that announcement and said he would continue. Back in Port Moresby, a number of MPs believed he was no longer capable of leading the country. Section 142 of the Constitution answers how this is to be done. In fact, the PNG Constitution has the answer for far too much and where it is needed, no answer. It is extraordinarily detailed, indeed, too detailed. This section says that a prime minister can be removed by the Queen acting on the advice of parliament. But for parliament to act, the speaker must table certificates from two medical practitioners that in their professional opinion the prime minister is unfit, by reason of physical or mental incapacity, to carry out his duties. It is extraordinary that the PNG Constitution would go into such detail.

Where a leader is deemed by his colleagues to be unfit for office in Canberra or in London, a practical solution is soon found. However, there is one Australian example which should not be emulated. That was when the behavior of a federal leader of the opposition suggested that he was in the early stages of dementia.

To get him out of the way, he was installed as the chief justice of New South Wales. Did they think nobody would notice? In any event, the PNG constitution prescribed how this should be done. Under the rules of interpretation it was clear that no other way existed to force the prime minister out of office for being unfit.

The alternative, a vote of no-confidence, is only available within a limited time under the Constitution. In the absence of medical evidence, the leader of the opposition moved a motion in parliament on Aug 2 declaring the Prime Minister’s Office vacant and his seat unrepresented. The speaker, Jeffery Nape, should have of course ruled this out of order. He did not and the motion was passed.

Another constitutional provision compounded the problem. Instead of leaving the appointment of a prime minister to the governor-general acting in accordance with established conventions, the Constitution states that the parliament – there is only one chamber – elects the prime minister.

They did this and they chose Peter O’Neill. The governor-general, Sir Michael Ogio, had no discretion to refuse to swear him in. The motion declaring the Prime Minister’s Office vacant was quite correctly found to be unconstitutional by the Supreme Court on Dec 12 – four months later. The court, in a 3-2 ruling, said Sir Michael was still the prime minister. The delay in coming to this decision demonstrates how unwise it is to remove the reserve powers from the Crown.

With appropriate legal advice the governor-general, would no doubt have almost immediately decided not to call O’Neill and to leave Sir Michael in office. In any event the governor-general accepted the court’s ruling and duly swore in Sir Michael and his ministry. Parliament reacted by ordering the governor-general to reinstate O’Neill.

It also passed legislation purporting to validate its action against Sir Michael. When the governor-general understandably refused to reinstate O’Neill, parliament resorted to yet another section unwisely inserted into the Constitution, which gives parliament the power to suspend the governor-general. This they purported to do. Then we come to yet another unfortunate provision. On such a suspension the acting governor-general is none other than the very man who allowed the original unconstitutional motion removing the governor-general, parliamentary speaker Jeffery Nape.

This mess is the direct result of hastily drawing up a constitution which attempts to codify too much but which takes away one of the most important checks and balances on the politicians, the reserve powers. The danger of abuse is exacerbated in PNG through the fact that parliament has only one chamber – there is no senate.

The problem in this instance is not the result of tribalism which hinders the development of a true party system. That is another issue. It is the Constitution. The Westminster system has proved to be one of the most successful constitutional systems in the history of the world. It was achieved not by wise men designing a constitution in advance. It is the result of the evolution of the constitutional system in the United Kingdom over a long period of historical development.

It is the result of the adoption of practices which were found to work – and work well – and which in the course of time became conventions of the Constitution. The Australian constitution, the product of our very wise founding fathers, is based on the Westminster system, incorporating specific provisions only when these were deemed necessary. The core of the necessary provisions relate to the adoption of federalism.

But you still hear complaints that, for example, the prime minister is not mentioned in the Constitution. He does not need to be, and if he were this could lead to the sort of unintended consequences we are seeing in Port Moresby. As the no case declared in the 1999 referendum: “If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it ...”

The Westminster system requires that there be in place significant checks and balances on the political arm, through for example, a bicameral parliament, an independent judiciary and that central institution which is beyond political power, the Crown. Australia has seen one significant attempt to rewrite the Constitution. This was the republican model which was put to the people and rejected in 1999. In response to weaknesses exposed initially by the constitutional monarchists, the model had gone through a number of iterations at the 1998 constitutional convention and in its drafting. In its final form its most serious flaw was that it would have been the only republic in history in which it would have been easier for the prime minister to sack the president than his cook.

The president – who was to be a pseudo-constitutional monarch – could be removed at any time without notice, without reason and without appeal. This effectively removed the reserve powers by ensuring that they could never be exercised. It significantly enhanced the power of the prime minister and the political class. It could have produced the sort of constitutional quagmire that currently exists in PNG. Fortunately, Australians are, as the late Richard McGarvie once observed, a wise constitutional people. What a pity Whitlam did not pass on some of that wisdom to our former trust territory.

* Flint, a former chairman of the Australian Press Council and the Australian Broadcasting Authority, is author of The Twilight of the Elites, and Malice in Media Land. His latest monograph is Her Majesty at 80: Impeccable Service in an Indispensable Office, Australians for Constitutional Monarchy, Sydney, 2006

Regime ruins democracy and the rule of law

2011-12-28T17:03:00.000-08:00

By John Nonggorr

The O’Neill-Namah regime has destroyed Papua New Guinea’s young constitutional democracy and the rule of law. The last three weeks have been a sad number of weeks for this country which has been built on the backs of many hardworking Papua New Guineans, past and present. No regime in the past 36 years has done this. PNG now faces uncertainty only because of the actions of the O’Neill-Namah regime.

To many of us, the previous Somare regime was bad. But, the actions by the O’Neill-Namah government are the worst. There will be confusion as to who is PNG’s government today. The Supreme Court’s decision made yesterday must be respected. Late yesterday afternoon, it decided that the election of Peter O’Neill as prime minister on Aug 2 was a nullity after deciding that there was no vacancy in the office of the prime minister. Sir Michael Somare remains prime minister. He is the legitimate prime minister. For thinking Papua New Guineans, and in respect for the rule of law and for PNG’s young democracy, Papua New Guineans must accept and support the Supreme Court decision. Parliament’s decision made after the Supreme Court decision to elect O’Neill as prime minister again must be rejected by all Papua New Guineans. This election was done after a breach, again, of important provisions of the Constitution.

The O’Neill-Namah regime acted illegitimately in many respects. It has broken some of the most fundamental principles of constitutional democracy. It cannot be allowed to continue. The O’Neill-Namah regime used parliament to pass an amendment to the Prime Minister & National Executive Council Act to circumvent the Supreme Court decision. This amendment was passed to defeat the effect of a Supreme Court decision even before the decision was made. It is clearly contemptuous.

That Act is unconstitutional and it was passed deliberately to confuse everyone. Late yesterday, the O’Neill-Namah regime purported to have itself re-elected shortly after the Supreme Court decision. It swept important issues under the carpet. For instance, after the Supreme Court declared that Sir Michael was still prime minister, how could there then be a vacancy 20 minutes later for parliament to elect O’Neill as prime minister? During the week, the O’Neill-Namah regime used parliament to rescind leave granted to Sir Michael due to illness. This was done when the issue was clearly before the court.

It was a contemptuous action. It was a blatant disregard for the Supreme Court. The O’Neill-Namah regime passed the amendment to the Prime Minister & NEC Act to validate the actions of parliament on Aug 2 even before the Supreme Court had made its decision. This type of action only happens in dictatorships where there is no rule of law – it is improper and it is contemptuous and in breach of basic constitutional principles. The amendment is a nullity. It has no effect – because it is clearly unconstitutional.

The Supreme Court’s decision must be respected, not the unconstitutional actions of parliament in enacting the amendment and, subsequently, conducting an election. The contemptuous actions of the O’Neill-Namah regime to pass legislation to save what the Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional cannot be allowed to remain. The MPs who voted in support of the passage of the Prime Minister & NEC Act have deliberately broken the Constitution, and have acted to circumvent the rule of law and hold onto power by unconstitutional and unlawful means. This is dangerous.

The parliament sitting yesterday on a Monday is unusual. This is a break with tradition and Standing Orders. But, passing the amendment yesterday was done deliberately to directly and blatantly confront and contradict the decision of the Supreme Court looking at the validity of the election of the O’Neill-Namah government on Aug 2 before the decision was handed down. This type of action is unheard of in any country that is governed under the rule of law – a parliament passing a law to directly decide a constitutional dispute that is before a court of law.

Section 6 of the amendment, under paragraphs (a) and (b), states that the speaker’s and parliament’s decisions made on Aug 2, creating a vacancy in the office of the prime minister, is not unlawful but valid. This was the very issue before the Supreme Court. Parliament took over and made the decision for the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has now declared, under Order #1, that “Sir Michael was not lawfully removed from office as prime minister by parliament on Aug 2”. How could parliament, through this amendment, say the opposite? Section 6 of the amendment, under paragraph (c), specifically states that the election of O’Neill as prime minister on Aug 2 is valid. This issue was also before the Supreme Court. Parliament took over the decision of the Supreme Court.
How does one reconcile this with the order made by the Supreme Court made later under Order #6 – to the effect that “Sir Michael is restored to office as prime minister forthwith” or under Order #2 – “O’Neill was not lawfully appointed as prime minister by parliament on Aug 2, 2011”? Legislation does not refer to individuals by name. No legislation is enacted for the benefit of an individual. Parliament passed a law specifically naming O’Neill as being prime minister.

Appointments are done by motions, which are not laws. For the first time, PNG’s parliament has passed a law referring to an individual as being prime minister. Both these provisions are a nullity – they are ineffective. They clearly contravene the Constitution. Lawyers who have given advice and drafted this piece of legislation are either incompetent and do not understand PNG’s legal system or they are pushing the political agenda. Furthermore, the amendment is made retrospective – to Jan 1, 2011.

Section 3 of the amendment contains provisions that are clearly unconstitutional. This provision seeks to create a vacancy in the office of the prime minister if a prime minister is absent. It is contrary to section 142 of the Constitution which does not recognize this type of vacancy. What are the MPs doing misusing the legislative powers of the people of Papua New Guinea? Parliament is not supreme. Many MPs and their advisers behave as if parliament is supreme. It is not. In England, parliament is supreme.

In PNG, parliament is not supreme. In PNG, the Constitution is supreme. Parliament must act within the Constitution. Parliament (like all other bodies) must follow what the Constitution says. The Constitution says that parliament must respect the separation of powers – section 99(3). Everyone, especially government bodies including parliament, must respect and heed decisions of the courts – section 155(6), Constitution.

The executive and parliament must not interfere with the judiciary as the latter must not interfere with parliament and the executive. But, the Constitution gives the Supreme Court express and specific power to decide constitutional disputes and parliament and the executive must not interfere in this task. By enacting legislation and taking over and making decisions on important constitutional questions before the Supreme Court, parliament deliberately and directly broke the fundamental principle of separation of powers. Parliament took over the role of the judiciary.

The O’Neill-Namah government appears to believe that if parliament makes a decision or passes a law or motion with a big majority of MPs voting and supporting it, this gives the decision, law or motion legitimacy. It does not. If the Constitution prohibits something, no number of votes can permit what is prohibited. Parliament can make a decision or pass an Act with all 109 MPs supporting it – however, if the Constitution says that cannot be done, it cannot be done – full stop.

Two weeks ago, the National Executive Council - the executive arm of government – suspended the chief justice and later rescinded that decision. Now, parliament is being used to interfere in the judiciary. We, Papua New Guineans, cannot accept this misuse of power by parliamentarians. The speaker and prime minister must not misuse the legislative power of the people given by the Constitution.
We must reject this. If MPs misuse the powers and pass legislation and elect themselves to abuse power in this way, we must stop them. These are few MPs acting in their own interests – they want to hang onto power for the remaining term of this parliament – less than six months! The interests of the seven million people must override the interests of a handful of MPs abusing the people’s power and resources. It is critical that ordinary people and public institutions stand firm and reject this type of abuse.

The police and other disciplinary forces must put the interests of the people of PNG before the interests of the few MPs who are now hellbent on destroying the country. Police must stand firm with the judicial and other institutions. Individual politicians will come and go. Institutions must protect institutions. Police are a part of the judicial and legal system. They must uphold and follow the decisions of the courts – for the sake of the people of PNG, the rule of law and the country’s democracy.

The recent actions in parliament, instigated by the O’Neill-Namah government, were designed to confuse everyone. The O’Neill-Namah regime knows that it will take time to bring another court challenge. The regime knows that what they are doing, using parliament in the way they did, is unconstitutional and unlawful. They have nevertheless done it so that they can hold onto power, a short-term gain. They know that they have been on shaky ground all along and, in their desperation, they have tried to do everything conceivable including acting unlawfully. The O’Neill-Namah regime has done irreparable damage to the country. To the many hardworking and honest Papua New G

uineans, who worked hard daily to contribute to the country’s development, this type of action is a slap in their faces – Papua New Guineans deserve better. The O’Neill-Namah regime must do the right thing, for the sake of the country, to respect the decision of the Supreme Court and allow a transition back to a government under Sir Michael Somare.

How to resolve the impasse?‏

2011-12-23T14:33:00.001-08:00

By Paul Oates

Papua New Guinea - Why is there a Political Dilemma?

How to resolve this current impasse? Therein lies the contrast between western thinking and Melanesian culture. Whenever this sort impasse happened in the past in other countries, they often had a civil war. King vs Parliament in Britain, Southern States vs Northern States in the US, King vs people in France, etc.

The Melanesian approach is to either have a battle or to sit down and sort it out. Normally a ‘talkfest’ would work where the clans and villages have the time to argue the toss backwards and forwards and after a great deal of oratory, both sides could feel vindicated with the result and exchange food and presents.

The difference at the moment is the outcome of any decision. If Somare wins, all that went on before (look at the line up of Somare’s new ‘Ministers’), will be reinstated and all that has started to be done with the O’Neill government will be scrapped.

The police cannot serve two masters and neither can the populace. To have a government of popular unity might have been a proposal in the past however too much has now been uncovered that should not and cannot be concealed. The door has been opened on the facts of just how the Somare government was performing prior to O’Neill taking over.

SABL’s incorrectly approved, government funds diverted into foreign bank accounts, etc. These must be fully investigated for there to be any hope of justice being done for the PNG people. Those responsible for these previous illegal activities will undoubtedly move to have their ‘peccadilloes’ concealed at the first chance they get. Why wouldn’t they if they are allowed back into power. That’s the number one issue that must be addressed.

All else could be settled by traditional Melanesian custom. National fraud, malfeance and downright theft cannot. If issue is where the problem should be sorted out and who should preside, surely Somare and his team appointed the Speaker and enjoyed the power and privileges of Parliament by doing so.

Politics can build relationships first and create foes or vise versa. The photo depicts Somare and Oniel during happier times!

Why is it he will now not abide by decision of the very person he put into power? Why isn’t the floor of PNG’s Parliament appropriate and sufficient to resolve the issue in the Melanesian manner? There is only one reason; Somare won’t abide by any decision that is made in that particular forum albeit that he was for many years, previously quite happy with the status quo?

That’s before it went against him. The Governor General is quite correct. The PNG's Parliament is the proper place to sort this out in true Melanesian manner. Sir Michael Somare, are you really the father of the nation and and a Grand Chief? Here is your chance to be remembered in history for putting your nation before yourself. Which is it to be? Your country or yourself?

In a democracy; like in Papua New Guinea, majority rules

2011-12-21T10:35:00.000-08:00

By Reginald Renagi

The other alternative government leader and former PNG prime minister, Sir Michael Somare and what they are asking for cannot realistically be entertained at this point in time.

In spite of what has happened in the political enviroment in PNG for some two weeks, Michael Somare is still defiant; and adamant by telling media and the people of PNG that he is still the legitimate prime minister.

No matter; the general situation now is that his rein may have already being overtaken by events since Aug 2 this year when a parliamentary “Absolute Majority” move by the former opposition ousted the Somare government. For all intents and purposes, the people of PNG have spoken through their majority elected representatives in Parliament. Parliament is the supreme authority and its decisions supersedes all else.

New Parliament-elect Prime Minister, Peter O'Neill's government is now the legitimate government of PNG. In a democracy like PNG, majority rules; and the other alternative group under Somare does not have the support of parliament to be in government.

What is to become of Papua New Guinea women

2011-12-20T15:43:00.000-08:00

By Reginald Renagi

I wonder how long must parliament keep our poor women in suspense in this country. PNG women were full of anticipation and hope when there was initial majority support shown by the newly formed Peter O’Neill’s government after Aug 2 of this year.

The first house reading of the Vote Women's Bill got a majority support from all MPs. It seems that the last two weeks of the political fiasco we have seen in parliament and government must have given a few MPs to have some mixed feelings about this particular issue. Many MPs still do not really understand this Bill. It is important that they be fully well-versed in all aspects of it before they can be expected to vote as a well-informed parliament.

What we need now is a really good debate in parliament on the Women's Bill considering the many different opinions from the PNG public. As of this afternoon, Parliament has once again failed to muster numbers to pass the Equal Participation Bill for Women. Parliament voted 67 - 7.
The government will be bringing the bill back again at a later date. It is ironic that the Constitutional amendment to the Sovereign Wealth Fund Bill was also passed this afternoon in parliament with a majority vote of 73 to nil.

Obviously some 70 plus MPs see the SWF issue as more important than our women. What a sad ending to the year for our long suffering women of PNG to be treated this way in the people's house. In some households in the country, this decision by our parliamentarians will have serious dire consequences after today's parliamentary proceedings.

It won’t be nice as I can still recollect remember last year; while attending a public seminar organized by a women’s lobby group at a Port Moresby Hotel to discuss this Bill.

One tough member of a women's lobby group expressed her frustration by telling all in attendance that if the MPs do not support this Bill in parliament then their wives will punish them all by refusing to have sex with them.

I wish they had threatened their MP husbands again before today's parliament session. We would then now have a different and possibly a favorable outcome.

Reform and Change is Never Over: A Personal Goodbye

2011-11-30T17:48:00.000-08:00

To Our Valued Members of NASFUBD by Rod Mitchell

Rod Mitchell

As you are aware, I will be leaving NASFUND at year end after serving for nearly 13 years. It has been a most rewarding time and a privilege to serve the private sector membership of Papua New Guinea. I look back to that time in early 1999 when we began the enormous clean up of the old National Provident Fund, a Fund that was mired in debt of K154 million from the shackles of corruption; an organization with no policies, procedures, registers, bank reconciliations, with two years of annual reports uncompleted and of course facing imminent bankruptcy.

We took immediate remedial measures, made some very unpopular decisions about member Fund balance write downs and pushed for a Commission of Inquiry to not only reveal the facts about the state of the fund, but also lay the very ground work for reform. That reform of course came through former Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta who in a heady two year period transformed the financial sector of which the Superannuation Act 2000 was a key piece of the reformist agenda.

Since privatization in 2001, your Fund has not looked back. From a net asset balance of K125 million, your Fund is now worth in excess of K2.3 billion – an annualized growth rate of 27.5% - no small feat especially in a decade characterized by international economic turmoil. We have seen the Fund membership and employer base triple over that same period since the creation of NASFUND, we have led the field in terms of not only returns to members, but also in the range of services and service standards.

The last five years in terms of return and crediting rates have been outstanding with an average return of 17% over five years. - A far cry from the dismal performance of international superannuation funds in the same period. Similarly the Fund has k100 million in reserves – over 4% of the Fund assets. A deliberate strategic buffer against what we saw as the reemergence of global
instability in 2011.

Similarly in terms of cost we have seen the Management Expense Ratio fall from over 5% to 1.1% over the period, making us the most efficient provider of
service in the industry.

I can also look back with some pride that without NASFUND assistance with the early loan capital support, the BSP/PNGBC merger would not have taken place. We acted as the “last resort” glue to ensure that Bank South Pacific could emerge as the strongest Bank in the Pacific. And today we sit with pride with our 10.85% holding, making NASFUND the second largest shareholder in the Bank - and of course with the deeper meaning that private sector workers of PNG through their superannuation have ownership in Papua New Guinea's largest bank.

Moving over the years we have seen an enormous growth in our assets. From only one major empty building, Deloitte Tower in 1999, to now the most prestigious commercial and residential property portfolio ownership in the country with our Harbor City developments as the jewels in the crown and all 100% occupied. We also aggressively took control of the Burns Philip site and now we begin the transformation of that area of town, just as we have done with Harbor City and Konedobu. Agents of change always have their detractors but the evidence is overwhelming in that we as an organization have been key in revitalizing Port Moresby. We were also key in developing the new frontier suburbs of 8 & 9 mile for PNG’s burdening population growth. Over the last decade NASFUND has built nine new high quality either commercial or residential apartment buildings. A further three are under construction which will complete before 31 December 2012. It has been a very busy twelve years. We have also seen strong growth in our equity portfolio over this period.

We were the key investor in allowing City Pharmacy to purchase the Stop ’N’ Shop chain of supermarkets. We took advantage of the ISP revolution by our strategic purchase of Data Nets and when Mainland Holdings had its back against the wall, mired in debt, we became the largest shareholder to which we have now stabilized the company and are returning it to financial health. When Ramu Sugar Limited began fraying under large debt we also took the initiative to support New Britain Palm Oil (NBPO) effect a take over that ensured that Ramu Sugar maintained a strong balance sheet and we took benefit from this take over through our strategic holding in both NBPO and Ramu Sugar.

We also took on the tough challenge of liberating the Pacific Balanced Fund from incompetent management by taking a large stake in the units of the company. Soon we will see the fruits of that intervention when the accounts are finalized and a new unit price is struck. Hopefully our endeavors there will not only help our membership but also some 35,000 “mum and dad” members of the Pacific Balanced Fund that have been treated poorly for far too long.

Internationally we have also proudly flown the PNG flag, with our majority ownership in the recently constructed Heritage Park Hotel and commercial annex in the Solomon Islands. Heritage Park in a very short time has become the number one hotel destination in Honiara with strong high 70’s occupancy rates. We have now commenced with our joint venture partners the redevelopment of the Grand Pacific Hotel site in Suva Fiji, which also promises to be the leading commercial hotel in that city as well.

Over the decade we witnessed at NASFUND a determined value system of action and results of which I term NASFUND exceptionalism. This is a culture based at its primacy on service delivery, product differentiation and above all actions over “talk talk”. We led the way in Branch roll-outs going from 4 to 14 nationwide. We introduced Text Bal using both push and pull technologies – a first for superannuation world wide. Today some 70,000 members per month use their mobile phones to access their superannuation balances – finger tip client service! We transformed the governance aspects relating to superannuation with a web based disclosure regime unparalleled in PNG and in most companies internationally.

We also introduced new products like Eda Supa, - a savings vehicle for those outside of superannuation that now covers a large number of self employed and informal sector workers. We introduced the first ever online will kit, the first monthly electronically delivered newsletter to some 25,000 people per month. And of course we built from a small humble education savings of some of our members to a K80 million savings and loans vehicle called NCSL- the fastest growing savings and loans vehicle in the country today.

And to the membership, for the last ten years, the annual report and crediting of interest to member accounts has happened within seven to eight weeks of end of year balance. No other institution has bettered that efficiency and commitment to its stakeholders.

On the NASFUND staff culture internally, we from day one set out on a programme of equality, pulling down old value structures, replacing them with equal opportunity, better support services, non discrimination on the base of sexuality and more recently a maternity scheme that is probably the best in the private sector today.

We said that staff matter, we showed them that they do matter and they have shown through empowerment the extraordinary capabilities that can be unleashed when management and staff are one. But I have said continually over the last decade that an organization that does not talk about the wider societal issues or as we coin it “social responsibility” can never be a leading company.

To be successful in business you must have empathy and context to the community that you operate within. Of all the things we at NASFUND can be pleased about is the role we have played in HIV & AIDS and our direct involvement in the Business Coalition against HIV & AIDS or BAHA.

As we approach World AIDS day, how pleasing is the BAHA led wear red campaigns and hang red ribbons from buildings now being seen everywhere. This is but testimony to the rapid change in thinking by corporates and the general public to this very serious health and development issue. Similarly the recent setting up of the Serendipity Fund for children under BAHA whose lives have been affected by HIV and AIDS is but the next phase in support for those whose lives have been irreparably been changed by this disease. Currently over 100 children are direct beneficiaries of that programme.

Proudly too has been the introduction of the NASFUND Trainee Directors Programme,- giving young aspiring Directors the opportunity to work and learn by being on a Board in real time. Hopefully, overtime we will see the fruits of this programme as more and more educated young Papua New Guineans take the directorship mantel going forward.

I am pleased that NASFUND also rescued the Institute of Directors when it collapsed from financial scandal years back and that too is now housed under the NASFUND roof along with two other wonderful organizations – the Coalition for Change – combating family violence and of course the Buk Bilong Pikini organization under the control of the former Australian High Commissioner of Australia’s wife, Anne-Sophie who has been an extraordinary agent for change in the important process of getting books into children’s hands.

The other area that has been of immeasurable success is NASFUND’s push into the Arts. For 12 years we have promoted Papua New Guinean artists in our annual reports and website. Recently will commenced the K5,000 annual arts prize at the Luk Save Arts show. As much as we can directly promote protection of the family whether it be through reducing domestic violence or HIV awareness, the Arts has always been a marvelous glue that transcends all layers of society and softens what is an often harsh social environment that we face in the country.

Finally as we look forward, the elevation of Ian Tarutia from joint CEO to sole Chief Executive Officer is to me personally important. He along with me has been the main driver of where we are today, and for my brother to take the reigns as sole CEO is but a very proud moment for me too. I know that as I now leave the organization, it remains in solid hands tested by a very tiring decade as we built not only the NASFUND foundations, but the foundations for the industry - and at times against some very large opposing forces.

And when I talk about the foundations, I talk about the comprehensive submissions to task-forces, the comprehensive dialogue within the private sector, the NASFUND created Association of Superannuation Funds of PNG and the absorption of small often corrupted or poorly administered Funds into the NASFUND family, which in turn strengthened the Industry and built the necessary confidence for it to flourish.

To the staff, I say thank you for coming on the journey. It has been a privilege to work with you and watch us grow as a family together. – And what a weird, often wild and wonderful family we are! How many times on a Friday night in the staff car park have we had a few drinks and cried with laughter into the midnight hours. Of everything that has been achieved, it has been the incredible change I have seen in all of us as we kept striving for the best. It fills me with the utmost pride. Thank you for being my family abroad.

To the men and women of the NASFUND reform era, I personally thank you for your strong support and for being part of the “pedal to the floor revolution” in developing a safety net and retirement savings regime in Papua New Guinea. - And from what we have achieved, I can look back and say, not bad at all. And I am sure NASFUND will in the future as has been over this tumultuous decade; continue to be the burning lamp which provides the light for others to follow.

I look forward to what will be an action charged “Tarutia decade” and I know he will not disappoint. To former Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta who took the bold decision to reform Superannuation through the Superannuation 2000 Act – I humbly state, Mission Accomplished!

Thank you

Rod Mitchell

Grass - Skirts Revolution

2011-11-28T20:42:00.000-08:00

By Jo Chandler

"I Invite all Honourable Gentlemen to rise in their places," booms Jeffrey Nape, the Speaker of Papua New Guinea's National Parliament. Despite her apparent invisibility the sole woman in the chamber also rises dutifully. After almost 15 years in politics, the past 10 as the only woman in the 109-seat PNG National Parliament, she is long-since inured to such oversights. Dame Carol Kidu knows to save her breath for bigger battles, and there's a humdinger brewing. She is about to single-handedly, sweetly, but emphatically challenge this assembly of the Big Men of PNG politics. A head count of the chamber for this historic session — the first sitting of the new government of Prime Minister Peter O'Neill — finds 59 of them versus this single white female. The odds are not unnoticed.

Buri Kidu and Carol Kidu on their wedding day

"I want to take my hat off to the Member for Moresby South, Dame Carol Kidu, for being present today," declares controversial Deputy Prime Minister Belden Namah. Her adored father Basil Millwater was one of the Rats of Tobruk, coming home from the war minus a leg but soldiering on, so perhaps she is channelling some of his gumption. "Point of order," Kidu responds crisply. "I don't need [you] to praise my virtues on the floor." She is smiling and just a bit sassy, playing her cards.

This Dame is an unlikely political fighter — a widow in spectacles, a tidy nana coif and a floral blouse. If not for that mouth and the traditional clan tattoos her mother-in-law inked above one pale wrist long ago, she could slip back to her home town of Shorncliffe in suburban Brisbane, indistinguishable from the 60-somethings enjoying comfortable dowager status and a spritzer at the local golf club.

But a teenage romance that turned into a 25-year marriage to one of Papua New Guinea's most respected figures, and endures as a 40-year love affair with the nation she came to as a bride, mother and teacher, jolted her into an alternate reality. Carol Millwater was seduced first by a man and then by a rich culture of communal care and spirit. She grieves the loss of both. The man's death was swift and sudden, while the society slowly fractures and diminishes under the thousand cuts of abrupt modernity, corruption, poverty and population growth.

And so Kidu, 63, today finds herself a Pacific suffragette, spearheading an urgent agenda for political recognition and basic rights for the women of PNG — by any measure among the most marginalised, brutalised and desperate in the world — and for the welfare of their children. In PNG (just four hours flight from her birthplace), deaths in childbirth are estimated to have doubled over the recent decade, rising to a rate almost 100 times that of white Australia; highlands hospitals and clinics overflow with broken and traumatised casualties of tribal and family conflicts, women enduring the worst of it; newspapers carry horrifying reports of women being burned and tortured as witches, traditional belief and modern malignancies having morphed into something new and sinister.

The latest United Nations human development index ranks PNG 153 out of 173 nations, and falling; Australia — a 10-minute boat-ride away at low tide — ranks second after Norway.
Kidu works the international development circuit as an envoy for elevating health and welfare through grassroots community development and action on poverty, her efforts earning her recognition as a Dame of the British Empire and a Knight of France's Legion d'honneur. The woman who was too busy in the 1970s tending her brown-skinned babies, kitchen fires, food gardens and teaching to pay much heed to the feminist movement finds herself a women's champion, sitting on panels analysing women's influence on democracy alongside the likes of Germaine Greer.

On August 9, as The Age watches Kidu taking on the men on the floor of the PNG Parliament, she and her adopted sisters are nearing the end game of a five-year campaign to get up legislation to loosen the male stranglehold on power in PNG — the culmination of more than a decade of grass-skirts agitation. The Equality and Participation Bill (or the Women's Bill, as it is more widely known) would usher 22 women into the Parliament in reserved seats at the 2012 general election — one from each province elected by both men and women. But the clock is ticking, the bill's course having been frustrated by a combination of political upheavals and the languid fluidity of PNG timekeeping, and only a handful of sitting days remain to get it locked in place.

Kidu knows that if the bill fails then when she retires next year PNG will likely become the 10th nation in the world without a single elected female representative. Six of those would be Australia's near neighbours in the Pacific, the others being Nauru, the Solomons, Micronesia, Palau and Tonga (where the King has installed one unelected woman in the Parliament). Then there's Fiji, which does not have a democratically elected government.

Kidu sits alone on her side of the chamber, isolated by more than her gender. This sitting comes less than a week after Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare was suddenly ousted, most of his former supporters moving in a wave across the floor to emphatically end his long, fragmenting reign as he recovered from heart surgery in a Singapore hospital.

Kidu, Somare's long-standing Minister for Community Development, returned from an HIV conference in Johannesburg to find herself dispossessed of portfolio and power. She is the only member of the still-smarting new opposition to face the new government on this day, and for the remainder of the session. She fields constant calls from her colleagues urging her to join their boycott of proceedings — they claim the process by which Somare was deposed was not constitutional. Kidu is inclined to agree, but counters that as an MP her job is to show up. "That's what I'm paid to do. That's what I will do."

The only other women in the Parliament are those packed into the public gallery. There are plenty of them despite even the architecture of the Haus Tambaran — the Parliament — carrying a potent message of exclusion. It is built in the style of a Sepik spirit house, a place where men assemble and perform their secret rituals, and which women are strictly forbidden to enter.

Kidu is acutely aware that the aspirations of PNG's women to become players rather than spectators in PNG's political process may well hang on whatever influence she can still wield in the House. This will require some careful manoeuvring. Melanesian politics turns on deeply embedded Big Man patriarchal tradition — where leadership is strongly associated with masculinity, physical strength, power and wealth — and tribalism, not party identity or loyalty, or even matters of policy. But "I don't play politics like a man," she declares.

"She used to famously say 'I hate to be called a politician — I'm a parliamentarian'," says Dr Orovu Sepoe, a political scientist at Australian National University and a Women's Bill advisor and activist. "She's a legislator, she is one of those rare ones." When the Speaker invites the new Prime Minister to address the floor, the Member for Moresby South is instantly on her feet. "Point of order!" she objects. She's questioning the constitutional validity of the vote that delivered Peter O'Neill power — a matter that also preoccupies the High Court. Her words are lost as she is shouted down.

She quietens as O'Neill declares the Women's Bill a priority. His support is critical to its success. "Special measures" to give women power through reserved seats are offensive to many men — "Why should they get power on a golden platter?" has been the objectors' refrain. Some deplore it as neocolonialism, sacrificing custom to foreign ideas; others simply ridicule the notion that women will be any more effective or less corrupt than men.

But both the new prime minister and the old one have publicly endorsed the strategy, recognising the formidable barriers that confront women candidates in PNG — culture, money, corruption, education, aspiration, misogyny. Academic efforts to drill into the roots of women's marginalisation generally blame a potent brew of indigenous male-dominated tradition overlaid with introduced male-dominated Christian orthodoxy. Whatever the cause, the consequence damages PNG's democracy by muting the voice of half the population. Not only are they not elected, but even at the ballot box observers regularly report women's votes being "stolen" by men in the notoriously violent and corrupt five-yearly national ballot.

Prime Minister O'Neill, in his opening speech, also acknowledges the depth of the crisis afflicting PNG — social breakdown, crumbling infrastructure, failures in education, the collapse of the health system, the cancer of corruption — and pledges action. Kidu rises to congratulate him on such aspirations, but cautions that "we have heard this sweet rhetoric over and over . . . let's be careful. . . let's be honest with our people, I implore you". By now many of the men have indulged her enough, and they shout over her to sit down. "It's my turn!" she shouts back, until the Speaker shuts her down.

"One of my male colleagues says 'Carol, you just have to keep at it'," she explains as she leaves the chamber. "If we do it in PNG-time, it's another 50 years or more. PNG can't wait that long. We need the females in Parliament." Fast forward almost three months and this week, as the PNG Parliament resumes in Port Moresby, the Women's Bill finally comes to the floor for debate and a vote. Once again Kidu is frustrated to find herself invisible. Despite her sponsorship of the bill, Speaker Jeffery Nape repeatedly refuses to acknowledge her, and she is one of the last allowed to speak.

She challenges the MPs to look back on their records to see how often issues such as maternal deaths, infant deaths and violence against women have been recognised in the parliamentary agenda. "The agendas of social indicators have not really been thoroughly addressed by my honourable male colleagues.

"I don't pretend to understand the complexities [of PNG culture]," she says. "The men were the warriors, but remember the women were the peacemakers." The constitutional amendment to create the seats is resoundingly passed — 72 votes to 2, with several MPs abstaining and some absent — after Prime Minister O'Neill declares that "only with the input of women will PNG go on and thrive to become a great nation".

But while the women in the public gallery and outside are already celebrating, Kidu's excitement is tempered by confusion over the vanishing of a second element of the bill from the notice paper. She's concerned that unless critical enabling legislation is also passed in the next few days, the women's seats may not be operational by 2012.

As women are singing, dancing and weeping with joy outside the Parliament and beyond, Kidu is busy working the phones — it's not over yet. It was in the summer of '64, at a student camp on the Gold Coast, that Carol Anne Millwater first met "the Chief", as his mates called him. Buri Kidu had come on a scholarship to study at Toowoomba Grammar School, where the boy who grew up naked in a fishing village, stalking fish with a spear and scaling palm trees, was elected school captain.

Carol Millwater also came from a family of keen fishers. Most years her mother Dorothy scrimped enough from her father's wage — he had a desk job in veterans' affairs — for an annual holiday in Noosa Heads, where with her sister and brother she spent the summers angling for whiting. The camp was her first holiday on her own. She was not quite 16. Some ambiguity around Buri's birth date meant his records claimed he was 18, although he was more like 20. He was her first kiss.

Young Buri may have been smitten, but teenage Carol was sunk. Five years later — he was at law school and she was training as a teacher — he tried to end the romance, arguing that a foreign wife would never endure village life. But she wasn't going anywhere. His eventual proposal came with a caveat — "never ask me to choose between you and my people, because I tell you now, that I will choose my people. I will not choose you."

Kidu loves telling this story for what it says about the character of the man she married, even though it seems less than flattering to an aspiring bride. "I never doubted he loved me," she adds. This was still the era when White Australia was decreed in policy. Romance blinded young Carol to the obstacles of culture and colour. "Colour didn't enter my mind with Buri," she would recall in her memoir, A Remarkable Journey, penned a decade ago. "It was irrelevant."

Her delusion was assisted by the principled, progressive views of her parents, who liked Buri and appeared utterly unfazed by the Guess Who's Coming To Dinner? scenario playing out in their home, despite the bemusement and shock of their neighbours. Basil joined his daughter in a night class learning Motu, and encouraged her to join a university work camp in Port Moresby to get a taste of Buri's world.

When her beau took her home to meet his mother Dobi, all eyes in the village were on this pale interloper, who shocked them with her swimming costume. A modest one-piece affair, it caused much consternation that she would she cover her breasts but wantonly display her thighs. Some were fearful that she would lure him away, but she was determined to show she could learn the ways of village life.

If she was the ingenue, Buri Kidu had a much realer sense of the yawning divisions their marriage would have to overcome. He had grown up on the fringes of colonial era Port Moresby, where a sign on Ela Beach declared "Natives And Dogs Not Allowed". But he was poised to capitalise on the seismic social change of the day. He graduated as his nation began preparing for independence in 1975, and played a critical role in its evolution when he was appointed as PNG's first national Chief Justice in 1980, a position he held for 13 years. "Those early years . . . there was such optimism," Kidu recalls. "We weren't going to go the way of other developing countries — we were going to do it right."

She immersed herself in PNG society, learning to dive for shellfish, harvest crops, speak Motu, absorb custom and raise babies — sometimes sinking, mostly swimming. As a young mother she hated that her first baby girl, Dobi, was not truly her own, but shared property; by the time she had four babies she was delighted with the culture of communal care. The intensity and closeness of clan relationships was the best and the worst of her new life.

She struggled with the lack of privacy and space "even to think". But when she despaired Buri would remind her of what he had said from the outset. Nonetheless when they built their own home, they included in it some private space, which became the middle ground of their life together, away from the maelstrom of family.

Twenty-five years after they wed, they lay together in that space early one Sunday morning in January, 1994, when Sir Buri suffered a massive heart attack. In widowhood, in theory, Kidu could have packed up and returned to her mother and her siblings, who still live on the Sunshine Coast. But by then there was no going back. Despairing of the deteriorating conditions she could observe around her, she recalled how she had once urged Buri to consider a political career. "Why don't you bloody well do it?" was his response. Eventually she sought the approval of the clan to use the Kidu name to stand and campaign in 1997. "I am thinking about our future and Papua New Guinea's future," she told the family meeting.

The senior men gave her the blessing, and the old women gave her the means — planting tapioca and raising pigs for fund-raising; cooking for campaign events. In her first campaign, Dame Carol was one of two successful female candidates in a field of 55. In 2007, her last, she was the only one of 104 female candidates to get elected. The numbers reflect only a fraction of female political aspirants — most are too poor and pragmatic to put their names on the ballot, says Orovu Sepoe. Women are pushing at the gate, but it remains firmly closed.
The house Carol Kidu came to as a bride sits on willowy stilts above the sea, a network of rickety gangplanks connecting it to a cluster of similar households. The village of recycled timber and tin, a monument to resourcefulness, is named Pari, a play on its inhabitants being "paripari" — "wet" people.

Nestled between hills, palm-fringed Pari is a short drive and a world away from Port Moresby's crowded madness. There's a young man at a stall at the front steps selling betel-nut and lollies, a player in the vast informal economy Kidu has attempted to support with legislation giving vendors rights and recognition. Barefoot and bare-arsed kids kick balls in the dirt. Women are occupied in the inevitable endless tasks, draping washing along verandahs and fetching and carrying firewood and fresh water.

Kidu climbs the steps into the flowing communal space where the sleeping mats are laid out each night. The walls are adorned with the detritus of family life — wedding and graduation pictures, little shrines to Sir Buri in his wig and gown, sporting trophies, holy pictures, a peeling campaign sticker — "Keep Kidu Working for Moresby South". Colourful woven bags are strung from the ceiling, tear-drop shapes swinging in the ripe sea breeze. Each "kiapa" contains a sleeping baby. Kidu scoops out one-year-old Basil and coos to him in Motu.

There are children everywhere. PNG has one of the highest growth rates in the world, and about half the population is aged under 19. In Pari the next generation skylarks in the water, a school of slippery, smiling, brown-skinned fish. "That's how my children grew up," says Kidu, leaning over the deck to watch. She has two adopted children, a boy Buri, a girl Bemu, and four of her own — Dobi (a performer who stages social awareness theatre), Wendy (a lawyer by training, involved in community development), Basil (administrator for a landowner company) and Andrew (also a lawyer).

Carol Kidu in her home village of Pari in Port Moresby

These days Kidu lives outside the village on customary land where she and Buri built their home. But she is a frequent visitor, returning to Pari for each election campaign at the insistence of the old women, who slept in a circle around her to protect her from "vada" — sorcery. Many of them were convinced that potent jealousies, not a heart attack, claimed Sir Buri, and they weren't taking any chances with her.

She lifts a trap in the floor near the kitchen to inspect a fat sow suspended in a cage with her piglets, where they thrive on food scraps. She bought the pig during a visit to Popondetta a year back — "she was a good price" — carrying her wriggling prize home on a charter flight tucked under her arm. In the open-walled kitchen a cooking fire is constantly tended. "But I'm too old for that now — there are young people for that work," says Kidu as the kettle is boiled for tea and we settle on the floor with her family and talk about women, men, politics and change.

Lady Carol Kidu (center) is the only woman MP in the PNG's National Parliament

When she wrote her memoir in 2002, Kidu reflected on the transformation she had witnessed in Pari. "As the bulldozers of modernisation slowly pushed further and further into the heart and soul of the village, some physical improvements occurred, but much was lost as well." Two years ago she presented a bleak 120-page state report on the situation for women in PNG to the United Nations in which experts argued that many women had lost traditional protections and power as a result of colonisation and the downside of rapid development. Vaccinations and modern medicine had saved many lives, but services had failed a growing population.

Life in PNG was always short and rugged. Early missionary reports from the Fly River in Western Province recorded the average age of death of girls as just 16, and for men their late-20s. In the hard-living highlands the culture is steeped in the brutal challenge of survival. Today the violence is deadlier as bows and arrows are augmented by guns, and disputes over land became more potent as money comes into the mix. No one can guess at how many people die in tribal fighting, but one survey of the village courts in Enga Province found records of 1565 deaths from clan fighting between 2001 and 2006.

But PNG is a land of some 800 ethnicities and traditions. In coastal communities like Pari and in the islands, the bounty of the sea has nurtured gentler cultures, and traditions and behaviours evolved around the enemies of disease and poor seasons. One shared thread through PNG's diverse cultures were strong traditions evolved to protect women and children, says Kidu. Brothers would defend sisters from bad husbands. Widows would be guaranteed land to grow food for themselves and their children. Strict protocols would dictate the division of food and leftovers.

Carol Kidu, a lone woman in the parliament of Papua New Guinea

"Now people in this village go hungry," says Kidu. "Now brothers are fighting brothers over land — unthinkable, horrible stuff." Land is sold privately, in violation of traditional ownership laws, displacing other family members. As Professor Betty Lovai — a social scientist and one of the nation's most senior female academics — sees it, while men have embraced modernisation, giving up some of their traditional roles as protectors to move into new spheres, women have remained stuck in the old paradigms, but newly vulnerable. "There were clearly defined roles that complemented each other. Now we've lost that."

What has endured is a pervasive Big Man culture that resists "this whole idea of a woman standing up and saying, as a political candidate, 'I'm the leader of this tribe'," Lovai says. "It's so powerful, the terms of what is a woman's place." A society in transition is a bewildering place for men and boys, and a dangerous one for women and girls. Endemic violence against women was identified in a 2007 PNG law and justice white paper as symptomatic of a deeper social disorder, of "issues regarding masculinity, equity and socialisation".

The data is patchy but bleak. Surveys have found two out of three wives are beaten, and that 50 per cent of women have experienced sexual violence. The reality is starkly visible in dilapidated clinics across the highlands, where those women fortunate enough to find their way to medical care assemble every morning to have fresh injuries tended. Defence wounds to broken and butchered arms, and battered faces where they were overcome, are the most obvious.

"We get choppings every day," explains a young American nurse in the Médecins Sans Frontieres clinic at Tari Hospital. She's talking machete wounds. MSF surveys show most are the handiwork of the women's partners and family members. About 80 per cent of PNGs population still live in rural communities, but transition also fuels urbanisation. People flood to the cities — looking for work, trying to access health and other services, fleeing tribal fighting, displaced by crop failures or disputes over land. Many landowner men leave their families and come to town with their pockets full of royalties, but these are soon squandered.

The crowded settlements are a volatile melting pot of ethnicities, and a nursery for the raskols whose attacks underwrite PNG's reputation as one of the world's most dangerous destinations. A few years ago Kidu would go into the settlements in her constituency to break up fights between tribal enemies living in too-close, impoverished proximity, much to her children's horror. "But now I won't. Now they ring me from the communities — 'Memba! The Taris and the Goilalasare are fighting again, can you come?' And I say 'no, go and get the police. Five years ago you know I was there. But now they might chop me up as well."

One of the strengths of the clan system — of "wantok", or "one talk" — was the social safety net at the core of its tradition. Wantok requires sharing the care of orphans, but HIV-Aids has created so many that they can no longer all be absorbed by their clans and the settlements are full of lost, neglected children, many begging on the streets.

This also violates the strict customary expectations of reciprocity and the payment of debts. "In PNG traditionally there were no beggars — it was always a two way process," says Kidu. If you want fish from your neighbour, you will give her some yams. "Now people don't have the fish and yam to trade, and the old ways are fading. This worries me, people are losing the real custom."

"Because we must never teach our children to be beggars," she proclaims to the circle of old women and children sitting on the timber floor. "We must teach our children to be proud." "I despair in many ways. I'm worried about the future of this country. I can't deny it," she says as we leave the village at dusk. "Buri would be shocked at what has happened, if he came back now." She's putting her retirement money into a family house in Cairns, partly as insurance for her grandchildren. "I would never have imagined that. I still don't imagine leaving. But I do see myself moving between two worlds. Perhaps I can achieve more from outside."

She glimpses opportunity in the next critical few years if the anticipated resources windfall — the Exxon-Mobil led $US 16 billion liquid natural gas project alone is predicted to double GDP — is appropriately invested in repairing the country. According to an expert report prepared for the PNG National Council of Women and submitted to the UN last year, more than 30 years of resources development has so far delivered few real benefits to rural communities. Getting women elected will change that, Kidu argues, citing the international experience that the social agenda — health, education, justice, welfare — gains priority when there are more women making decisions.

As most of PNG's 3 million-plus women and girls live in rural and remote villages, their interests become all the more urgent as men trade their land, food gardens, traditions and livelihoods for a stake in the exploding resources sector. "We are supposed to be one of the richest nations," observes Dorothy Tekwie, a prime mover of the women's lobby, one of PNGs most experienced female political campaigners, and now the leader of PNG Greens. "But women and children are dying."

Tekwie founded the PNG Women In Politics lobby group a decade ago to support women candidates in all parties in response to the slide in health and social services. Like Kidu, she is convinced that feminine influence would profoundly change PNG's political culture and policy priorities. "Women all over the world care for the things that really matter to people — having clothes on you and your kids, having food on the table, a place to sleep, shelter."

Across urban and rural PNG, talk to women about their realities and aspirations, and their hunger for leadership and direction is overwhelming. They itemise what they urgently need — midwives; medicines and doctors; teachers; help to improve their crops and find markets; access to micro-credit and banking; safe drinking water; police who will defend their rights and courts capable of prosecuting their abusers. But "we don't know where to begin!" exclaims frustrated Roslyn, who lives in Laita, right on top of the Exxon gas project.

"Male dominance is everywhere in PNG — not just in the government, but in our way of thinking, our attitude," says Tekwie. "In order to change that we have to have women in Parliament. We have to have role models — women who show the men, just not the women and the girl child, what can be done."

Orovu Sepoe, who has been documenting the rise of the PNG women's movement over the past decade, says that without the Women's Bill, "given the way the game is played in PNG, there is no chance for women", and they will be lucky to gain a single open seat. "Just the money issue alone, the way it infiltrates electoral politics is tough," says Sepoe. Women are stymied because they don't have any means to get cash to fund the requisite feasts or to travel to isolated communities to campaign or compete in pervasive vote-buying.

The bill is imperative in her view. "Women are not all angels. They will not solve everything. But they will change public life in PNG — I firmly believe that." "If we don't get any women into Parliament next year, we're going to go a mile back. It's so hard to make that mile," says Betty Lovai. "We need political champions, people who can take the national agenda forward, and that's what Carol has done for the women and children of Papua New Guinea."

"Having her in the Parliament, the way she has conducted herself, has sent a message to men and to women that we can do it," says Maria Hayes, president of Women In Politics. Hayes has invested 20 years in building up female interest and experience in politics at the grassroots, and the message has been heard and embraced. Women have had enough talking about finding power, she says.

"Now in the villages they tell us 'don't come and give us the leaves of the kaukau [potato] — give us the roots'," says Hayes. "Don't come and talk any more. We have done our work. Just give us the food." On Wednesday, outside the Parliament, the president of the National Council of Women, Schola Kaka, describes the bill as "a cry of the mothers of this nation". As news of the vote rapidly spreads to the most remote corners of PNG courtesy of the rapidly expanding mobile phone network, Dorothy Tekwie is up in a remote village in the far north-west. "The women are just jubilant, clapping their hands," she reports. "They said — the men too 'Taim Bilong ol meri', 'Time for Women'."

** Photos courtesy of Jason South **

Defense is Papua New Guinea's Insurance Policy

2011-11-10T12:48:00.000-08:00

By Reginald Renagi

Despite its shortcomings, the Papua New Guinea Defense Force (PNGDF) like any military institution; is a noble profession of arms. The Papua New Guinea Defense Force (PNGDF) is our insurance policy even if there is no external military threat. Papua New Guineans need to know today why we have our own military.
No matter how one looks at it, a country's armed force is its insurance and is an instrument of politics. Throughout history, the military was created by governments to provide it some kind of comprehensive insurance policy cover to defend its national interests. The world over has had standing security forces to serve the state's purposes. This will remain so, as long as people are inclined to the application of force to solve their social problems. For as long as man has existed, people have been fighting forever. The fighting will go on forever.

To think you can stop people fighting by taking away their weapons is an infantile notion to get much support in Papua New Guinea (PNG). The government has proven this for years. However, I am sure that one day, we will in our own way find a way around this universal problem. While we may not be invaded by another country in a military sense, we have some serious emerging external and internal security challenges to tackle as a 'matter of national security priorities' in future.

PNG must rationalize how to optimize its defense outputs better. No matter how one looks at it, the country's defense force is its insurance and is an instrument of politics. History has proven that diplomacy alone will not keep potential enemies at bay as many a politician, diplomat and academic has found out over the ages.

This rationale argument under serious analysis appears too limited in scope for a wide-ranging; and complex issue such as national security, or of defense’s relevance to society. However, this still should not stop a small country like Papua New Guinea (PNG) to conduct ourselves as good neighbors, or being responsible global citizens through appropriate diplomatic policy strategies. History has proven that diplomacy alone will not keep potential enemies at bay as many a politician, diplomat and academic has found out over the ages.

Born with no arms, young Godfred needs help

2011-11-10T11:51:00.000-08:00

Born with no arms, young Godfred (pictured) has beaten the odds and today lives a normal life like any other boy.

Godfred takes a sip from his water bottle using his feet. At age 7, he can already take care of himself. Godfred is a Little Fighter

Seven-year-old Godfred Mabong’s feet are also his hands. He is little survivor and the story of his young life is nothing short of a miracle. Like many parents, his dad Blasius and mum Agnetha had hoped for a son as their first born child. So when the blissful moment approached, Agnetha went to the nearby Mugil health centre to deliver. Unfortunately, she battled a major birth complication.

The nurses, unable to handle the dangerous task of delivering the baby, referred Agnetha to the Modilon General Hospital in town. On June 24, 2004, she underwent an operation, and and after hours in the operating room, she finally held her baby boy in her arms. Godfred entered the world at 3.3 kilos, healthy as a horse. But, there was something terribly amiss when the couple first set eyes on their new bouncing bundle of joy. Although the child had shoulders, where his arms should have been were just two tiny nodules at each end. Anguish and anxiety replaced the happiness they felt once they realised the life that lay ahead for them and for their son.

Questions filled her mind as she glanced at her new born baby; “What have I done wrong? What would the people at the village think of my son when they see him? How will my son take care of himself in the future?” It was all she could do but choke back sad tears. “I had this strong feeling that my son would die after some days,” Blasius recalled. Baby Godfred and his mum had to spend a week at the hospital for doctors to monitor his condition.

During those times, he was fed through a tube in the nursery while his mum recovered from the painful operation. At the end of the week, Godfred and his mother were discharged, and they took the two-hour bus ride back home to their North Coast village. Once they were home, the new parents decided not to expose their baby to public eyes in fear of insults, stigma and discrimination.

And as a result, Godfred was kept indoors for two months, never leaving the house or taken outside. But after the sixth week, the other villagers heard rumours of Godfred. Soon, everyone was talking about baby Godfred, some assumed his mum had eaten an eel from a sacred place in the nearby river, and that caused her baby to lose his arms. Others said that he was the son of a ‘masalai’ (supernatural being). By that point, everyone thought that Godfred would not live to be a toddler.

Due to the rumours spreading like wildfire, Godfrey’s parents knew there was no point in hiding their son anymore. So one day, they let Godfred out of the house and he drew such attention as noone in their village had ever seen a child with Godfred’s condition before. Godfred grew up under the special loving care of parents, despite the vicious rumours that spread about how he came to be. By the age of three, Godfred was already doing what any abled-bodied child could do by himself. He could eat, drink, play, wash and even help his parents clean up around the house and in the gardens. At the age of six, everything seemed so natural Godfred.

He was a special boy with special gifts. While most adults can’t seem to get over their obstacles in life, young Godfred doesn’t have time to dwell on his differences. When his food is served, he would hastily grab a spoon with his toes and bring it to his mouth, just like he’s eating with his hands. His favorite food is rice and tinned fish by the way. After eating, he would pick up a container of water, open the lid with his toes, lift it to his mouth and drink.

During the day, Godfred is always up and about with his friends playing, bathing in the river or helping his parents weed the plots in the garden. As for sports, Godfred loves baseball because he is a born pitcher. He is also fanatical about soccer as he is a great striker with impressive dribbling skills. In addition, he is also very good in writing his alphabet and drawing.

Having two small sisters, Godfred feels more obliged to take responsibility for them seeing as he is the first born. Godfred is most times sent to trade stores to buy household food stuffs. While his sisters usually provide an extra pair of helping hands, Godfred most times likes to carry things back. He would rest the purchased items on his shoulders, clamp them with his cheeks and march back to his house.

Godfred has other abilities that make up for his lack of arms, and these include immunity to lifestyle diseases, and he can memorise and remember things. So with all the amazing things that he had acquired, and accomplished, the curse that was once placed on him is now broken.

Godfred now receives uniform treatment in the family, and his parents are also more confident of his potentials and capabilities. Possibly next year he would be attending the nearby Mirap elementary school. He is an inspiration to his community.

Some Cars We'll Never See Again!

2011-09-22T19:47:00.001-07:00

Back in the days when cars had style, and even with so many makes and models, all changing every year, they made a profit. And, not only that... You could sit on the porch and name the cars as they drove by... Unlike today... When they all look the same...

1959 Plymouth Fury

1959 Chevrolet Brookwood Stationwagon

1958 Mercury Turnpike Cruiser

1971 Buick Rivera Boattail

1955 Nash Rambler Cross Country Wagon

1954 Dodge FireArrow

1954 Buick Wildcat II

1953 Buick Wildcat

1956 Ford Sunliner

1951 Studebaker Champion

1951 Chrysler K310

1951 Buick LeSabre - What would you give for this car now?

1946 Oldsmobile Special 66

1951 Hudson Hornet

Assorted Woodies

Mercury

Pontiac

1941 Chrysler Thunderbolt

Pontiac

British -- Austin A 70 Countryman

Chrysler

Very British � Challenge: Can anyone identify this �Woodie�? ( I think this might be a early SINGER...)

Plymouth

1942 Chrysler Town and Country

Ford

1948 Packard

Buick

Ford

Ford

1948 Chevrolet

Gorgeous �Woodie� Vehicles �

Chrysler

Craftsmanship not often seen today

This was when a car was a Car...!

Papua New Guinea (PNG) celebrates 36 years of Independence. What does it mean to be independent?

2011-09-14T18:56:00.000-07:00

A cursory glance at the modern history of Papua New Guinea reveals a macrocosm; a mishmash if you like, of the old and the new, a co-mingling of ideas, practices and beliefs from one world with those from another; from the advanced and knowledgeable to the traditional.

PNG has existed as a political and economic entity for all of 36 years. The year of our lord, 1975, witnessed the uniting of diverse traditional entities as one people under the banner of nationhood. It was a time of great rejoicing and hope; a time to wade out into the world as a united front; a time for taking control of our own destiny and navigating through the tribulations and savoring the triumphs of life as an independent country.

Tomorrow is a day like any other but what it represents should engender in each one of us a sense of belonging and purpose. This is a vital ingredient for any group which assumes a bond as final and all encompassing as being considered a nation.

We have a lot to be thankful for and, conversely, there are situations and circumstances which keep us from achieving our full potential. Firstly, let us start with what is right and good about our beloved country and its citizenry. We are a unique and diverse people. Yes, we are Melanesians and share many traits and characteristics and attitudes but the marvel of being from PNG is that we are many distinct languages, cultures and societies intertwined to form the PNG identity.

Anthropologists and linguists have classified PNG as on a plane of its own. Some 800 languages and accompanying cultures say we are a rarity on earth. Fortunately, unlike other indigenous cultures who suffer oppression under a foreign occupier, we have been able to preserve our uniqueness thus controlling, to an extent, and influencing our evolution as a people.

From the time of first contact through the colonial era, at independence and into the 21st century, we have done remarkably well to preserve that intrinsic attribute – that which separates us from many. We can hold our heads up high in this regard.

Another quality which separates us from others is our passion for life, land and liberty. But, quite often, we tend to ignore this fact or we just take it for granted. Many other countries in the world, with fewer ethno-diverse populations, have crumbled under the weight of social pressures. We have become so blasé about our collective value as a nation that, in our haste to protect our individual “little patches of dirt”, we fail to appreciate the bigger picture.

Three-and-half decades on, PNG stands at the cusp of an epoch which will serve to define us and, hopefully, we can take advantage of the good fortune that will come our way. The expected massive gains from the oil, gas and mining boom, by all rights, should propel the country into the next bracket of developed nations. However, corruption, crime and an uneven distribution of resources and development have conspired to hold PNG back for far too long.

The challenges are truly daunting for the seven million-odd Papua New Guineans. They include deteriorating public infrastructure (roads, bridges, state schools, hospitals and prisons); an ailing health system that struggles to provide even the most basic health care to the majority and a crime rate that does not look like coming under control without massive spending on recruitment and training of police personnel and the improvement of logistical capabilities and correctional services.

Other areas that need serious attention are the country’s ability to effectively educate its burgeoning young population and making a concerted effort to curb the instances of maladministration in and the mismanagement, misuse, abuse and wastage of public funds responsible for the upkeep of the aforementioned services.

Thankfully, though, the people of this country are both resilient and resourceful, and have managed to carry on under trying circumstances. Has PNG lived up to the potential and promise it had on Sept 16, 1975? Not nearly as much as we would have hoped; such is life.

Nevertheless we are still together; managing our problems, seeing out each passing year, meeting the challenges and growing with the experience. Tomorrow marks another year into our history; there will surely be many more to come. Celebrate Independence. It is a blessing.

Source: The National

Big Man

2011-08-21T14:21:00.000-07:00

By Dominica Are

No action

Talk only

Aren’t you ashamed?

Always giving orders

No heed for advices

So up yourself

Concerned bout your own self

What about others?

So much injustice

Ignoring peace

People suffer

You have nothing good to offer

But sweet talks

Empty promises

And lies

You live in mansions

While they live in shanties

Traveling in flashy cars

See them walking great distances

No proper roads

No bridges

See them dying

Hear them crying

Your ears are deaf to their pleas

Why are you doing this?

Let me tell you something

“You are not human”

Sir Brian, a hard act to follow

2011-08-14T19:07:00.000-07:00

Many Papua New Guineans of affluence rarely choose to share their wealth with people other than their own kinsman or ethnicity. They are usually inclined to be benefactors to people they know will help them or return the favor at some later stage.

At other times, the giving is usually done to curry favor with the group or individual that is being assisted or simply to make a name for themselves. Motives are rarely selfless. Such is the Melanesian cultural norm. Those few who venture outside that norm tend to be people of exceptional vision and possess a remarkable sense of community which is not confined to a tribe, province or even a nation. Is it any wonder then that the person who has left a legacy for Papua New Guineans to one day emulate was Sir Brian Bell.

Here was a man of true vision, a benevolent individual whose heart was for the people of this country. Born in outback Queensland in 1928, Sir Brian decided to strike out into PNG to seek his fortune. A pharmacist by profession, Sir Brian’s accomplishment since arriving in Port Moresby in 1954 and, up until his passing last year on July 26, at the age of 82, were many and varied but what stands out as his endearing quality will always be his generosity and, more specifically, the way he used his wealth to benefit the community.

From funding hospitals and medical assistance for ordinary Papua New Guineans to giving to different charities and putting his name and company’s behind many acts of kindness and sharing the good knight was truly a man for all seasons. History shows Sir Brian was chairman and managing director of the Brian Bell group of companies, the largest business of its kind in PNG, generating annual revenues of K253 million and employing 1,300 people.

He was also a generous philanthropist – a prominent benefactor of Port Moresby General Hospital (of which he was chairman), the Salvation Army, the Red Cross and Port Moresby City Mission. Sir Brian, in many regards, received widespread recognition here and in his native Queensland as a nation builder. That nation is our beloved PNG.

Now contrast this shining example with the attitudes exhibited by the country’s indigenous elite, the captains of industry, the leaders of public service, the members of parliament and ask when has any one of these selflessly given money of their own and funded from their own pocket to help the broader communities that make up PNG society?

You would be hard pressed to recount any such occurrence. Sadly, Papua New Guineans are wont to look after their own first before considering people outside their cultural groupings. We are all guilty of this behavior. That is why we should be thankful to such great individuals such as Sir Brian for essentially showing us that it is not all about getting ahead of the game, or making your fortune in life, or resting on your laurels, as many are tempted to do.

This man from Chinchilla, an hour and a half northeast of Brisbane, contributed immensely to his adopted country and was knighted for his services and contributions but aside from the Queen’s award, which he took great honor in, Sir Brian’s life was characterized by his community spirit. He was forever cheerful and would not take any part in political one-upmanship.

His humility and generosity will not be forgotten. We have a lot to be grateful for and the greatest honor Papua New Guineans can bestow upon Sir Brian would be not to lose sight of the model of citizenship and the altruism that came to overshadow his many entrepreneurial achievements. Perhaps the real measure of the man’s success lies in the love and gratitude many Papua New Guineans hold for Sir Brian.

He touched so many across a wide spectrum and taught those who were fortunate to be near him the values of life and of success. As with many of the country’s great citizens their memories and accomplishments tend to fade as time moves on. It is a failing on our part that we do not make their histories a pertinent part of our present by learning from and following to fruition their visions and ideas.

Source: The National

Nicotine To My Lungs

2011-08-14T17:08:00.001-07:00

By Dominica Are

Only substance that I spend money on
The thing that kept me looking
Even when it’s in the early hours
Of the morning
Or late in the evening

Can’t live without it
In a day
Beer partner
And it’s dangerous

I know it will kill me
But am addicted to it

So you’re like my Nicotine
I can’t live without you
Will love you
Till the day I die

Regretfully Yours

2011-08-08T15:50:00.000-07:00

By Dominica Are

What’s up with all the text messages?

Do you really mean what you said?

Am really depressed

You can’t take my explanations

It’s true I was selfish

So foolish

I admit I was ignorant

And I regret

May be I was brought up the wrong way

Taught the wrong way

I sometimes realize my mistakes

But it’s too late to make changes

Sorry for wasting your time

I have myself to blame

Can’t believe it’s over

My lover

Regretfully Yours…

SMILES OF HOPE

2011-08-05T15:20:00.000-07:00

By Dominica Are

When I see you smile

the joy I feel is indescribable

The loving look on your face

Makes my heart melt like ice

It’s not much

Cos am not rich

But it’s from the heart

And we did something right

Our presence

Is the essence

To Show how much we care

And we want to share

This moment with you

To remind you

That you are not alone

Dearest angel

With your smiles of hope

You give us the strength

To Keep the Simbu Children Foundation flame burning

Dedicated to the Sick Children of Kundiawa General Hospital

Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) Missionaries to Papua New Guinea (PNG)

2011-07-18T18:12:00.000-07:00

Rev. Rod and Nancy Nordby from Ampo, Lae, Morobe Province in Papua New Guinea are ELCA's missionaries on a two year sint with the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Papua New Guinea (ELC-PNG). This blogger caught up with them during their visit to various congegrations in the state of Michigan who support them.

Rev. Rod, David, and Nancy for a photo at Resurrection Lutheran Church (ELCA) in Saginaw, Michigan.

I was presented a gift, actually it's a tie with the PNG emblem
Rev. Rod doing a presentation on their mission work in Papua New Guinea in front of the members of Resurrection Lutheran Church in Saginaw, Michigan
Rev. Rod and Nancy displayed some of their Papua New Guinea art and craft collection

Papua New Guinea (PNG) needs a new political order

2011-07-12T13:09:00.001-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

It is time we need a new political order in PNG. I think it’s good to put ideas on the table and generate debate aimed at reforming our political system.

After some 36 years of political Independence, it is important for citizens to now define a political model that best suits our local social, cultural and political context in our country.Next year, PNG will be having its eighth national elections since Independence.

In all this time, no government of the day has ever made any concerted effort to initiate major political reforms.The current government has little time left in office now to do anything long term.

Its inert leadership will not commit more time or resources to political reforms. By now, politicians should have critically looked at our current political system and come up with practical ways of making things better in future.

The country needs a reformed political system and a better governance organization structure. An ideal model to have is to establish regional state governments under a federal system in the next five years.

And at the same time, relocate our capital city to the heartland of the nation in Arona Valley, Eastern Highlands (this issue was first mooted in the 1980s but never followed up at all).

Four autonomous state governments and a small central government in the capital to direct play is the way forward. For a multi-cultural country with many complex development challenges, this is perhaps what we need now.

The model we have today has many flaws and must be totally overhauled. Hence, a more streamlined government structure with a reduced bureaucracy to properly manage the whole country better is what we must have in future.

‘Big Man’ politics in PNG is predominantly more prevalent in the Highlands than the coastal provinces. Let's hope the 2012 national elections will see some good improvements over the last two polls since 2002.

But next year’s elections will still see big money being spent; especially in the Highlands. We will also see more younger political candidates and women trying to run for public office.

This is good for our country. This will happen as older generation politicians are seen to not make any real difference at all in the way their electorates has developed over the years.

The reality today is that successive governments never learnt many lessons from the past.The current regime is a classic case in point. The Somare government in its two consecutive five-year terms never really made any fundamental difference at all to improve the quality of life for ordinary citizens.

An increased GDP has had very little to no ‘trickle-down effect to rural PNG. And on the other hand, many displaced people in urban areas now do not relish the thought of ever returning back to their home provinces.

The same can be said of the rural masses flocking to towns and cities every year in search of a better quality of life. So when they don't find what they are looking for than they squat on other people’s traditional or state land.

But unfortunately, urban areas now have also become harsh socio-economic environments for many of our people. So they tend to engage in crime and other anti-social related activities to survive in an enforced harsh environment.

And here is a challenge for all citizens to try and make some difference for the future. Make sure your vote counts by selecting good honest leaders into public office in 2012. It’s time we all take back our country and freedom from the politicians. Let’s all make them fully accountable when they get into public office.

Be a great writer that you are!

2011-07-11T15:49:00.000-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

For any budding writer, it pays to have a good mentor in one’s early years.

In PNG we already have one who comes to mind every time I put pen to paper.

I think our former Governor-General makes a good mentor to inspire in each of us the writer we can be, if we follow a few simple rules.

Sir Paulias Matane was right about one thing when encouraging more Papua New Guineans to enter The Crocodile Prize writing competition on Keith Jackson’s PNG Attitude blog last year.

This writers’ mentor is a good role model to emulate for anyone wanting to write better. We should listen to what he says about writing.

This popular knight is a prolific writer having authored more than 45 books plus many other writings over the years.

There’s no real secret to becoming a better writer than to just go ahead and write, and do more writing when you think you are done.

So friends, there you have it.

To be a better writer, you must do a lot of writing and over time, you will get better.

Be your own self critic. Give the draft to others to critique before you polish it, and after many drafts and refining, let others read your finished-writing.

What is important for anyone is after you read many other different styles of writing over the years; it is always a good rule of thumb to develop your personal style of expression.

I know it can be hard work, but believe me; such perseverance can pay rich dividends in the end.

If you don’t believe me then just ask Sir Paulias how he does it.

Try my 60 Seconds Rule!

Here are a few simple rules to become a better writer in the next 60 seconds.

The military taught me that writing clear, logical, persuasive sentences is one of the most important self-promotional skills you can have.

This is true also with emails these days as so many business communications are in that form.While there are many rules for writing, personally I have just three for you here (at least for now).

If followed, you will make you a much better writer in the next 60 seconds.

Rule No. 1: Write Like You Talk

I still recall my writing teacher saying to me years ago that the easiest way to test this is to read your writing aloud.

Does it sound like the way you would speak?

If not, then you’re probably trying to write in an academic way to sound overly “sophisticated”.

It does not work and I always remind my junior staff to use ‘simple words and short sentences’.

Never use a foreign phrase or jargon when plain everyday ‘English’ will do.

This is why most academic writings turn the average person off, as “boring to read”.

Rule No. 2: Use Nouns and Verbs ...Eliminate Adjectives

It’s hard but I force myself to do it anyway.

You can almost always cut out adjectives and improve your sentences.

Don’t describe something as “beautiful” or “big”; show what it actually looks like.

With everything you write, “Show, don’t tell”.

Rule No. 3: Whenever It Is Possible to Cut a Word, always Cut It Out

You can always cut about 25 percent of every sentence and not lose any meaning.

And you will make your sentences easier to read.

The best way to write is to get everything you want to say down on paper, uninterrupted, without making any edits or going back to see if you have said what you want to say exactly how you want to say it.

Then go back to reorganize and edit.

Refine it further and cut and cut and cut!

The fewer words you use, the more weight each one carries.

That’s how you do to be a better writer that you think you are!

Future Strategies for Reducing Public Spending (Pt 1)

2011-07-04T16:54:00.000-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

Presently, the Somare Government has too many strategic plans drawn up by technocrats and academics. No wonder, the public today is still skeptical whether these plans will work in future to deliver to the provinces.

In future, public spending will undoubtedly increase. Successive governments have a bad track record of unbridled public spending.

For years, the public has expressed grave concerns towards a major reduction in public sector spending. Thus, it is high time PNG has a well coordinated program to reduce government expenditure and waste.

For the future, key state agencies should now collectively concentrate their core activities in these focal areas:

· Analysis

· Public Outreach

· Media

· National Initiative

· Information Systems; and

· Co-ordination and Funding

These key areas will emphasize the committed mobilization of our political and civil bureaucratic leaders in the full activation of a widening circle of constituencies.

This strategy focus should be based on general public sector spending as well as build on the relationship between leaders, and the community in each province urging ‘affirmative action’. The public and community leaders must fully mobilize by directly encouraging our political and bureaucratic leaders to take a more visible stand on essential national interest issues. For example; matters that directly affects every citizen’s safety and well-being.

It is imperative for the public to specially aim at primarily seeking to immediately impact the decision-making process of our leaders in taking a more direct interest in the national well-being of every citizen, and the country as a whole.

The next strategy we need to focus on is the serious concerns about our current budgetary priorities, including the organized religious (or faith-based) community, and various domestic interest groups including the Unions.

These constituencies will in turn be mobilized to reach out to the general public as it has the greatest potential to impact the political decision-making process. This mobilization process will require significant and focused public opinion assessments.

Here, we can use a several different techniques, including survey data, carry out dedicated national surveys including conducting ‘focus groups’. The whole aim here is should be to demonstrate the public and key community leader’s support for reduced government spending.

Additionally, we must also identify with public concerns on successive government’s extravagant spending within the overall context of the broader debate over national priorities. Part 2: will look at a suggested community – based campaign within the seven areas mentioned being carried out to the end of the decade.

Military Professionalism Today

2011-07-04T16:43:00.000-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

“The professional military mind is by necessity an inferior and unimaginative mind. No man of intellectual quality would willingly imprison his gifts in such a calling.”

H.G. Wells

The above quotation by the then famous English novelist and historian was made during World War 1. It may well have some truth and relevance at the time. In light of the changing times which have been quiet dynamic since then, one wonders whether the same criticism can be said of the modern-day military profession.

Such an outlook could have two major inferences: firstly, that military ideas conceived at the time were inflexible, and is the result of the military institutional concept designed to be rigid and uncompromising.

Secondly, this observation may have been seen by some sections of the British public at the time that for anyone to select a military career to be a poor career choice on one’s part.

On the other hand, this may seem to be the case in the environment of the military establishment of the past, but may not be so today. Evidence to date shows that the years after World War 1 to the present time, the military profession has changed in a most fundamental manner.

Such changes have been brought about by the impact of both technological and social changes that now tends to align the values and practices of the military profession with those of the modern society. Today’s military profession is a complex institution, one which constantly exerts tremendous pressures on all military personnel. Modern day military institutions have grown enormously in size, and its internal and external functions have grown so complex that it requires a special type of men and women with special qualities to be able to coordinate it effectively and efficiently.

As in the past and even today, the military profession is not well understood in its correct posture by Society. The military is regarded as a machinery of War and nothing else. What people fail to see is that the very creation of the armed forces is an extension of the social structure. The public also overlook the logic that it is they who have created a state tool to serve their own economic and political needs.

This can be attributed to the lack of dialogue between the armed services and the civilian community, and an understanding of what the other’s role is in society as well as to each other. Thus a gap is created. This gap has fortunately narrowed within the last half century.

For the military profession to be seen in its proper form, the civilian community must at some point come to presume, that the military systems are only reflections of the society, and one that cannot exist on its own without some linkages to civilian values.

Bogari breaks new ground for PNG women

2011-06-22T20:24:00.000-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

Congratulations to Lucy Bogari on her appointment as the new PNG High Commissioner to Australia.

I am sure Lucy will do a great job there from where Charles Lepani left off. Ms Bogari has excelled well to date as a Foreign Service diplomat and deserves this key posting to Australia. Sometimes back in February 2009 (I think), a special NEC meeting was held in Wewak and cabinet made among other things a decision to appointed new department heads.

It was reported in the media widely that Lucy Bogari was appointed as the new Foreign Affairs Department Secretary. But unfortunately, since then this NEC decision has never been implemented for some excuse or another. This NEC decision was constantly undermined by certain cabinet MPs as well as a former Acting Secretary to the department who seemed biased about a woman replacing him to take up that top post.

The public knew this person was very biased towards Lucy and did not want Lucy in the job. So he made things very difficult for her to take up that official appointment as head of the department. Lucy even went to court for a period of time to clear her good name from some 'trump-up' charges against her at great cost before being re-instated as a deputy Secretary. So what's my point here? Lucy Bogari as one of the most senior Foreign Service officers and a professional in her field should have been the Foreign Affairs Secretary a long time ago.

The public knew she was clearly being discriminated against taking up her NEC appointment because she was a woman. Readers must know that even today there are still strong cultural male biases in most PNG government agencies towards the appointment of women to senior positions. This still prevails today despite strong denials in formal circles by very senior officials.

US secretary of state Hillary Clinton addressing women in parliament flanked by Papua New Guineans dressed in their different traditional costumes representing all provinces of the country. Leading them, and on Clinton’s left, is diplomat and foreign affairs senior official Lucy Bogari, adorned in her Northern tapa colours. – Photo by Ekar Keapu

Male counterparts and even many superiors are still not prepared mentally about smart and intelligent women taking up senior management positions within our public services. The private sector is the same. The other more serious point is the hypocrisy or the irony of it all.

When PM Somare returned from his many overseas trips, as usual; he did not immediately take to task his Acting PM (a former Deputy) on his constant failures on why the NEC decision (which he chaired) was never implemented by his government through the head of the public service machinery.

On hindsight, a competent foreign-service officer was unfairly denied her official appointment to head the department. It was gross incompetency on the part of the political leadership then and now. Notwithstanding, I am betting that after her Canberra stint, Lucy Bogari will again be a hot tip on the short-list for the next Foreign Secretary's job during the term of the new government.

Again we will see the same old "Catch 22" B.S being played out again. PNG men will not let her break into a still strong ‘male bastion’ (I hope I get proven wrong here but I have been a good punter for some time). The reality today, is like in politics; the civil service arena is still not a ‘level-playing field’ for women in PNG and are constantly not given a 'fair go'.

Now the readers here can understand why Dame Carol Kidu is having such a hard time to successfully push through some of the much-needed legislative changes in parliament. A case in point now is: ‘Why is PNG’s parliament reluctant to openly support the much-heralded Private Member's Bill that Dame Carol Kidu is pushing for the 22 Reserved Seats for women?

Dame Kidu will not get it approved in this term of parliament no matter how well she networks with her peers between now and next year. Again I want to be proven wrong because it is a good initiative at this juncture of our political development.

PM Somare will not now do it on his watch. He procrastinated too long and time is simply not on his side now. It is now up to the next new Prime Minister of PNG to do it for our women.

PNG now needs a new transformational and visionary PM and government to run the national affairs of the country. The current political leadership has failed our women in its last two terms.

The PNG ‘pollies’ have in their own male arrogance ignored its own womenfolk’s a good fighting chance in the coming political game of having more women involved in the country’s political decision-making process.

Finally this writer sees some hope for our woman. The Alternative PM of PNG has recently stated in a public forum that he supports Dame Kidu’s proposed Bill. So I hope he is reading this to make the required changes in parliament to transform PNG in future.

Preserving Wealth in Papua New Guinea

2011-06-21T13:35:00.000-07:00

By Paul Oates

"Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it." - George Santayana 1863 - 1952.

Preserving Personal Wealth

Many have observed that ‘It takes one generation to build up a gigantic fortune and the next one (or two, or three) disperses it again with some combination of bad decisions and lavish living.’ The guiding principle is: ‘Don’t touch the Principal’. Yet even the invested ‘principal’ or capital can disappear as demonstrated in the recent Global Financial Crisis. ‘Bricks and Mortar’ was another successful stand of yesteryear however look at what happened to the US property market where houses and properties are now being repossessed and selling for a fraction of their original value as borrowing agencies try to recoup their losses?Preserving National Wealth

PNG’s Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Project is about to come on line: ‘The LNG project is the largest investment scheme in PNG’s history. Production is expected to start within four years and has the potential to double the country’s income. In Port Moresby, the government faces the challenge of ensuring this new-found prosperity is handled responsibly and transparently. Ministers have announced plans to set up special accounts known as sovereign wealth funds to save some of the revenue for future generations.’ (1)

The proposal to set up a ‘sovereign wealth fund’ for PNG has a familiar ring to it.

The Republic of Nauru was declared in 1968. The Island’s economy was solely based on the extraction and export of phosphate rock, a left over from when the island was uninhabited and a roosting/nesting place for Pacific birds. The birds shed their guano over thousands of years and that eventually compacted on top of the coral rock to become phosphate, a prized component of fertilizer.

In the 1960’s and 70’s, the island’s population of less than 10,000 enjoyed the highest per capita income in the South Pacific from phosphate royalties. The following excerpts are from Wikipedia: ‘The Nauruan economy peaked in the early 1980s. Nauru's economy depends almost entirely on the phosphate deposits that originate from the droppings of sea birds.

There are few other resources, and most necessities are imported. Small-scale mining is still conducted by the RONPhos, formerly known as the Nauru Phosphate Corporation. The government places a percentage of RONPhos's earnings into the Nauru Phosphate Royalties Trust. The Trust manages long-term investments, intended to support the citizens once the phosphate reserves have been exhausted.

The Trust's fixed and current assets, many of which were in Melbourne, were reduced considerably, and many never fully recovered. Some of the failed investments included financing 1993's Leonardo the Musical, which was a financial failure, the purchase of the vacant Carlton and United Breweries site on Swanston Street in 1994 which was sold undeveloped in 1998, and a loan to the Fitzroy Football Club which went into liquidation in 1996.

The Mercure Hotel in Sydney and Nauru House in Melbourne were sold in 2004 to finance debts and Air Nauru's only Boeing 737, which was repossessed in December 2005. Normal air service resumed after the aircraft was replaced with a Boeing 737-300 airliner in June 2006. The value of the Trust is estimated to have shrunk from A$1.3 billion in 1991 to $138 million in 2002. In 2005, the corporation sold its property asset in Melbourne, the vacant Savoy Tavern site, for $7.5 million. Nauru currently lacks money to perform many of the basic functions of government; for example, the National Bank of Nauru is insolvent.

The CIA World Factbook estimated GDP per capita at $5,000 in 2005. The Asian Development Bank 2007 economic report on Nauru estimated GDP per capita at $2,400 to $2,715’ So what happened to Nauru’s wealth? Why has the average income of this nation’s citizens now diminished from a comfortable living to that of virtual poverty? Again, Wikipedia gives an answer: ‘When the phosphate reserves were exhausted, and the environment had been seriously harmed by mining, the trust that had been established to manage the island's wealth diminished in value. To earn income, Nauru briefly became a tax haven and illegal money laundering center.

From 2001 to 2008, it accepted aid from the Australian government in exchange for housing a Nauru detention centre that held and processed those who had tried to enter Australia irregularly. The island has one airport, Nauru International Airport. From December 2005 to September 2006, Nauru became partially isolated from the outside world when Air Nauru, the airline which serviced the island, ceased operations and left the island accessible only by ship.

The airline was subsequently able to restart operations under the name Our Airline with monetary aid from the Republic of China. Nauru was one of three great phosphate rock islands in the Pacific Ocean (the others were Banaba (Ocean Island) in Kiribati and Makatea in French Polynesia). However, the phosphate reserves on Nauru are depleted for all practical purposes. Phosphate mining in the central plateau has left a barren terrain of jagged limestone pinnacles up to 15 metres (49 ft) high. A century of mining has stripped and devastated about 80% of the land area.

Mining has also affected the surrounding Exclusive Economic Zone, with 40% of marine life estimated to have been killed by silt and phosphate runoff. Following decades of mismanagement, corruption, and spiraling loans to General Electric, estimated to amount to approximately A$227 million, the Nauru Phosphate Royalties Trust (NPRT) was forced to sell off its international assets to pay loans.

When the new Australian Labor government decided to close the Nauru detention center in 2008, the country’s Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Kieren Keke, stated that it would result in 100 Nauruans losing their jobs, and would affect 10% of the island's population directly or indirectly: "We have got a huge number of families that are suddenly going to be without any income. We are looking at ways we can try and provide some welfare assistance but our capacity to do that is very limited. Literally we have got a major unemployment crisis in front of us."’

Sustainable Resources

‘A sustainable resource is a resource that is used up at the same speed that it is renewed. Wood can be a sustainable resource if the trees are harvested at the same rate as new trees mature. Wind is a sustainable resource as the wind is not "used" up. Solar and hydroelectric power can be considered sustainable. Oil, natural gas, minerals taken from the earth do not regenerate and are non-sustainable. Fish stocks can be renewed and can be used in a sustainable fashion but are presently being used at a greater rate than they are being renewed and are considered non-sustainable.’ (2)

Sustainable National Resources

The ancient Chinese monopoly on silk trade seemed to be a good example of a sustainable national resource until silk worm grubs were smuggled out of China. The same situation happened with Brazilian rubber. Brazil enjoyed a huge world trade in rubber with centers like Manaus 1,000 miles up the Amazon, becoming a thriving metropolis. Then seeds of the rubber plant were smuggled out of Brazil and the country lost its rubber monopoly. Malaysia then became a major world producer.

Most extractive industries are logically, finite in nature and therefore not sustainable. Nauru is a classic example. Let’s examine two exceptions: The timber industry can be a potentially sustainable resource but this industry must be managed assiduously. Prior to PNG Independence in 1975, Commonwealth New Guinea Timbers (CNGT) located in Bulolo had a principle that for every Klinki pine tree felled, 10 new seedlings would be planted. The guiding principle adopted was that with successive logging and replanting, the naturally occurring forests of native Klinki pine would be self sustaining and could be harvested every 30 years on a cyclical basis.

‘Forests cover more than 70 % (32 to 36 million hectares) of the total area of Papua & New Guinea Territory, and of that area at least 8-12 million hectares have considerable industrial potential. The approximate total of the already investigated resources is 2.6 million hectares carrying some 6,100 million superficial meters of merchantable timber, which represents approximately 25 % of the known merchantable forests of Papua and New Guinea (Anon. 1967). Production in 1965-1966 was more than 41 million superficial meters as compared with 5.5 million superficial meters in 1950-1951.

The Department of Forests has undertaken a reforestation program of harvested productive forests and of rehabilitating low value forests and grasslands since 1948. Major plantations are being established at Brown River, Bulolo, Kerevat and Wau. The main species planted are as follows: Hoop pine {Araucaria cunninghamii Ait.), Klinki pine {Araucaria hunsteinii K. Schum.), Teak {Tectona grandis Lin.), Kamarere {Eucalyptus deglupta Blume), and Pinus spp. Except for Teak and Pinus, these species are indigenous to the Territory. The areas planted as of May 1967 are given in Table 1. (below)’ Table 1. Plantation areas in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea as of May 1967.

Species Locality Hectares planted Hoop pine

Bulolo/Wau 4,058
Klinki pine Bulolo/Wau 1,120
Teak Brown River 726
Teak Kerevat 630 Kamarere Kerevat 311 Pinus spp.
Highlands 92
Miscellaneous All centres 112
Total net hectares 7,091

* DEPARTMENT OF FORESTS, BULOLO, T. P. N. G. 1968 - See (3) below Around Independence however, it was reported that a Japanese company had contracted to extract all CNGT forests and transform this valuable commodity into disposable wooden chopsticks. No comparable reafforestation program was reportedly to be undertaken. Since Independence in 1975, the natural forests in PNG have been progressively felled and extracted by foreign timber companies. The income for PNG from this timber is negligible when compared to the value added timber products that are eventually marketed by those who process the timber. Very little of the income from timber actually accrues to the PNG nation due to reported corruption and claims of political malpractice.

There also seems to be no attempt to develop a locally owned and operated timber processing industry to manufacture furniture to meet local and overseas demand. On a visit to Weipa, North Queensland in 1982, the author listened to the company liaison officer explained that the local Bauxite ore body, the ore of the metal aluminum, was created by the gradual leaching of other minerals from the subsoil and that this was a continual process. ‘Almost all metallic aluminum is produced from the ore bauxite (AlOx(OH)3-2x). Bauxite occurs as a weathering product of low iron and silica bedrock in tropical climatic conditions.’ (4) It just takes millions of years to produce an ore body of the size available in Weipa.

Summary

Are most natural resources like bank accounts? i.e. ‘The more you withdraw, the less there is?’ Well not necessarily. There are some potentially long lasting national assets such as unique and beautiful scenery that promotes tourism. Cultural events and rare wildlife also can be useful as long lasting wealth generators again from tourism. All these examples must be managed, carefully looked after and preserved however. If it were easy, why everyone would be doing it wouldn’t they?

(1) Mining Boom promises huge riches’ by Phil Mercer – Voice of America 2011

(2) http://wiki.answers.com/Q/What_is_a_sustainable_resource

(3) FOREST TREE AND TIMBER INSECT PESTS IN THE TERRITORY OF PAPUA AND NEW GUINEA By B. Gray DEPARTMENT OF FORESTS, BULOLO, T. P. N. G. 1968

(4) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aluminium

No significant changes in parliament since 2002

2011-06-21T13:15:00.000-07:00

By Reginald Renagi

PNG will go to the polls next year but there is nothing for the citizens to get excited over.

Since 2002, parliament has been dysfunctional as the government has not demonstrated its political will and commitment to put in place the required wide-ranging political reforms. The whole aim should be to improve PNG’s political and government systems and processes.

The government has no excuse for failing to deliver when it has the mandate to rule for two terms and resources at its disposal to use to make the system work. The truth is our government is not really working for the people and country.
PNG's acting Prime Minister, Sam Abel (center) escorted to a grandstand in his recent visit to Bougainville.

It is a sad state of affairs to now have a prime minister who should have called it a day a long time ago. What has he really left behind? We do not even have a solid foundation of an “improved political system” for those who come after him. As a result, these new members of parliament will now, it seems, take the country forward into an uncertain future.

Yes, our parliament and MPs certainly need more training so they know that what is required of them as elected representatives of their people. The majority of our MPs are shirking their responsibilities as lawmakers at the expense of Papua New Guineans.

What I am going to say is not being patronizing but the truth. If they all tried hard, the 108 MPs will certainly learn something of value and substance from our only woman MP, Dame Carol Kidu, in what they should have done these past nine years. It is a pity Dame Carol is not coming back in 2012.

The Dame has had enough of PNG politics and is taking her life back at her coastal home with her adopted Motuan people. Thank you Dame Carol, you are a champion of the people. Your good deeds will not be forgotten for a very long time.